Sir Thomas More's Utopia

'g

SIR THOMAS MORE'S
UTOPIA

C "£ r o- n <» , ^Y R<b»*lpK nobi

EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES, BY

J. CHURTON COLLINS

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

AMEN HOUSE, B.C. 4

LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW

LEIPZIG NEWYORK TORONTO

MELBOURNE CAPETOWN BOMBAY

CALCUTTA MADRAS SHANGHAI

HUMPHREY MILPOED

PUBLISHER TO THE

UNIVERSITY

7m/>ressto» of 193°

pfrsi edition, 1904

Printed in Great Britain

PREFACE

THE present edition of the Utopia of More has been
undertaken with a double object ; to encourage and
assist the study of a work which deserves to take a far
more prominent place than it has hitherto held in our
curricula of advanced education, and to supply a want
which no preceding edition has aimed at supplying.
Few works have so many claims to attention. Though
not originally written in our own language it is, through
the versions of Kobynson and Bishop Burnet, one of
the most famous works in English literature, and
to every student with any pretension to a competent
knowledge of that literature an acquaintance with it is
indispensable. As a romance and work of art it ranks,
if not in vogue at least in celebrity, with the Pilgrim's
Progress, with Robinson Crusoe, and with Gulliver's
Travels. To the student of moral and political philo
sophy or of the theory of education it is of equal import
ance, and it well deserves a place, as a subject of study,
beside the Republic and Latvs of Plato and the Politics of
Aristotle ; while the light which it throws on the state of
Europe, and more particularly on that of England, at one.
of the most critical periods in their annals, would alone
entitle it to be regarded as a textbook in the study of
the social and political history of the sixteenth century.

Of preceding editions two only are known to me
which have any claim to consideration, and neither
supplies what it is the aim of the present edition to
supply. Of Dr. Lupton's edition of the Latin text and

iv PKEFACE

of Robynson's ti'anslation it is scarcely possible to speak
too highly. If Dr. Lupton had designed his work for
the class of students to which this edition appeals, for
circulation — that is to say, in schools and ordinary
educational institutes — the present edition would have
been a mere work of supererogation. But his work is
addressed to mature scholars ; it is not designed to
include such information as junior students necessarily
require, or to become a popular textbook. My indebted
ness to Dr. Lupton I have, I hope, always acknow
ledged whenever it has been direct, but indirectly it
has been more considerable than my frequent acknow-
)edgements of it indicate. I have often been able to
add to his illustrations and to explain what he,
studying succinctness, has no doubt purposely left
unexplained, by resorting to sources of information
to which he has himself guided me. And this applies
both to the General Introduction and to the Notes.

Of Dr. Lumby's edition it becomes me to say no more
than that a comparison with the present will show that
he approaches the work from a very different point of
view to that from which it is approached here ; that
his notes almost entirely confine themselves to elucidat
ing the language of Kobynson's text, with the addition
of a few explanations of the more obvious historical
and biographical allusions.

My own endeavour has been, both in the General
Introduction and in the Notes, to meet the probable
needs of those students who approach the work on its
various sides of interest and importance, namely, those
junior students who require elementary philological in
struction, and those more advanced students who will be
concerned chiefly with its relation to philosophy and his-

PKEFACE v

tory. I have thus attempted to expand and supplement
Dr. Lupton's more succinct treatment of these subjects,
and to supply at the same time that more rudimentary
information which did not come within the scope of his
work. My fear is that I may have attempted too
much, and that the voluminous annotation which this
double purpose has rendered necessary may prove to
be confusing. But a judicious student, whether pupil
or teacher, will easily discriminate between what is
needed for his particular purpose and what is not.

The text is practically that of the first edition of
Robynson's translation, but I have corrected obvious
misprints, and have not hesitated to adopt the text of
the second edition where it is undoubtedly an improve
ment on that of the first. These deviations from the
first edition have been recorded in the Notes.

To Dr. Lupton I have already acknowledged my
obligations. I have also been indebted, both in the
General Introduction and in the Notes, to Sir James
Mackintosh's Life of More, to Father Bridgett's Life
and Writings of Sir TJiomas More, to Durand de
Laur's Erasme, to Mr. Frederick Seebohm's Oxford
Reformers, to Professor Arber's Bibliography in his
reprint of the Utopia, to Dr. F. J. Furnivall's Ballads
from Manuscripts (especially to the Introduction), to
Mr. Cooper's edition of the Dialogue between J*ole and
Lupset in the Early English Text Society's Publications,
and to other tracts in the same collection. I have also
to thank Mr. Cannan for directing my attention to
some interesting parallels with the Germania of Tacitus.

For the excellent Glossarial Index I am indebted
to Miss Hilda M. K. Murray of the Koyal Holloway
College.

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

PAGE

Life of More ....

vii-xxx

Origin and Inspiration of the Utopia

. xxx-xxxvi

-~ Framework and Models of the Utopia

xxxvi-xli

The Plot

xlii-xlvi

— Purpose of the Work

. xlvi-xlviii

Early Editions and Translations

xlix-lii

TEXT OF UTOPIA ....

1-144

NOTES TO UTOPIA ....

• 145-245

GLOSSARIAL INDEX ....

. 255-283

INTRODUCTION

I. LIFE OF MOKE

THE Utopia is so closely bound up with the personal
life and character of More, and with the social and
political movements and events immediately preceding
and contemporary with its composition, that a sketch
of both is a necessary prelude to its study. Thomas
More, the second child and eldest son of John More,
successively (1503) serjeant of law, (1518) judge in the
Court of Common Pleas, and (1520) of the King's
Bench ; and of Agnes, daughter of Thomas Graunger,
was born February 7, 1478, in Milk Street, London. Of
the history of his mother we know nothing. His
father, ' of gentle but not noble blood,' is described by
his son as 'courteous, affable, innocent, gentle, merci
ful, just and uncorrupted ' ; he was also a man of
much shrewdness and humour, and all these qualities
he bequeathed to his son. Young More received his
early education at the school attached to St. Anthony's
Hospital in Threadneedle Street, then under the rule
of Nicholas Holt, a very competent scholar. But he
was removed from school, to be transferred to the
household of Cardinal Morton, Archbishop of Canter
bury and Lord Chancellor, before Holt could have done
much more for him than to ground him in Latin.
When he entered Morton's household he was little
more than a child. But while there, he probably
received impressions from the conversation of that
eminent statesman and ecclesiastic, which were among

viii INTEODUCTION

the moulding influences of his life. What he thought
of Morton, and what perhaps by implication he owed
to him, he has himself described in the words which
he places in the mouth of Hythlodaye, in the first book
of the Utopia. What Morton thought of him is
recorded by Koper ; 'This child/ he said more than
once, 'whoever shall live to see it, will prove a mar
vellous man.' Perhaps even in these early days he
may have heard much from Morton, which many years
later he wove into the history of Richard III, and
which gave it its colour.

At Morton's recommendation he proceeded to Oxford,
probably in 1492, when he was in his fifteenth year.
We know comparatively little about his residence
there, and that little is uncertain. One tradition places
him at Canterbury Hall, a foundation the site of
which is now occupied by the Canterbury Quadrangle
of Christ Church ; another at St. Mary's Hall, another
in lodgings at both places. In any case he remained
at Oxford 'not fully two years.' He pursued his
studies with diligence and enthusiasm, 'wonderfully
profiting ' says Harpsfield, ' in the Latin and Greek
tongues.'

His residence at Oxford was the initiation of his
intellectual life, and brought him into contact with
that movement which was to transform the England
of Mediaevalism into the England of the Renais
sance and of the Reformation. Of all the agencies
by which that transformation was accomplished the
most potent was the New Learning, the revival of
the study of Greek, and the substitution of an in
telligent study of the great, for an unintelligent study
of the inferior Latin Classics. Since the fall of

LIFE OF MORE ix

Constantinople in 1453, the ardour for the New
Learning in Italy had kindled into fanaticism. Scholars
were burning lamps before the bust of Plato, and
refusing to study the New Testament lest it should
spoil their Greek. Devout and sober Christians were
labouring to reconcile Platonism with the teachings of
St. John and of St. Paul. The Platonic Academy had
been established. The press of Aldus was beginning
to pour out the volumes which brought the new
treasures within the reach of all. Soon the enthusiasm
spread to England. Before 1488, William Grocyn
had placed himself under the tuition of Demetrius
Chalcondylas at Florence, and had, some two years
later, returned to Oxford to lecture on Greek. Thomas
Linacre had followed his example, and it was Linacre
who was More's Oxford tutor in Greek. Two others
who were before long to be numbered among More's
most intimate and influential friends — John Colet
and William Lilly — also visited Italy for the same
purpose and with the same object, to acquire that
they might impart.

More left Oxford perfected in Latin and a zealous
student of Greek. His practical father, who designed
him for the Law, did not, it seems, approve of these
studies, and withdrew him prematurely from the Uni
versity to enter him as a student at New Inn. From
New Inn he was removed to Lincoln's Inn, where
he was admitted on February 12, 1496; and here he
continued with a very small allowance from his stern
old father till his call to the Bar in 1500. That father
was not a man to be trifled with, and the most dutiful
of sons was little likely to provoke him. But though
More pursued his legal studies with industry, and no

x INTEODUCTION

doubt subordinated them to the pursuits to which his
tastes led him, those pursuits were by no means
neglected.

Two years after his entry into Lincoln's Inn, he
made the acquaintance of a man in whom he must
have recognized almost a second self; the same
mingled playfulness and earnestness, the same enthu
siasm for letters, the same delicate humour, the same
shrewd insight into life and men. This was Erasmus.
Erasmus was then about thirty years of age, and
though as yet he had produced nothing of importance
he had been the author of many brilliant trifles
both in verse and prose, and was no doubt meditating
his Adagia. Erasmus was in raptures with his young
friend. 'Did nature ever frame a character more
gentle, more endearing and happy than Thomas
More?' ('Thomae Mori ingenio quid unquam finxit
natura vel mollius vel dulcius vel felicius ? ') he wrote
to his friend Eobert Fisher. From the day of this
meeting the two men were as brothers ; and in the
history of literary friendships there is nothing more
interesting and more touching than the correspondence
which, extending to the close of their arduous and
troubled lives, records their mutual affection, sympathy
and respect.

In 1501, just after his call to the Bar, More was
appointed Eeader at Furnival's Inn, and while hold
ing this post, he delivered a course of lectures in
the Church of St. Laurence, Old Jewry, of which his
friend Grocyn was rector, on St. Augustine's De Civitate
Dei. They were attended, Koper tells us, not only by
Grocyn himself but ' by all the chief learned in the
city of London.'

LIFE OF MORE xi

In the spring of 1504, when in his twenty-sixth
year, More was returned to Parliament, but for what
borough cannot now be ascertained. Shortly after
taking his seat he made himself conspicuous by the
courage with which he resisted the iniquitous rapacity
of Henry VII.

The story which Eoper tells, and which has till lately
been accepted without question, cannot, as Bishop
Stubbs has shown, be reconciled with facts. But
whatever difficulty there may be about the precise
details, it is quite clear that More imperilled his
prospects and even his personal liberty by opposing
an unconstitutional and exorbitant demand on the
part of the king's ministers. ' God was with you,'
said Dudley some years afterwards when More visited
him in prison, 'that you confessed no fault against
the king ; had you done so you would have paid the
penalty with your head.' As it was, More had to
retire from public life, and the King characteristically
revenged himself by seeking a pretext to fine John More
£100, and by keeping him in the Tower till it was paid.

This was a critical period in More's life. For some
time he buried himself in his lodgings near the
Charterhouse and seriously thought of joining the
Carthusian brotherhood. His life had always been
plain and simple, it now became austerely ascetic.
He daily passed long hours in prayer. His body he
mortified by fasting and by wearing next his skin
a shirt of the sharpest and roughest hair ; the naked
boards of his chamber were his bed, a log of wood his
pillow. Everything indeed seemed to indicate that he
had done with the world and with worldly ambition.
But More fortunately had wise friends, and healthy

xii INTRODUCTION

instincts. His old tutor Linacre had left Oxford and
had settled in London ; Grocyn lived within a stone's
throw of him, and Colet had recently come into
residence as Dean of St. Paul's. They soon recalled
him to old studies and to larger and saner concep
tions of religion and duty than the ideals of the
cloister. Nor was he affected only by living friends.
Among the moulding influences of More's early life
a very prominent place must be given to a writer whose
works were at that time seldom out of his hands. This
was Pico della Mirandola, in whom met morally and in
some degree intellectually all that was most character
istic of Savonarola, and all that was most characteristic
of Colet, in other words what was most characteristic
of the Kenaissance on its best side and of the Eefor-
mation on its sanest and most sober side. More,
as a man, was essentially sympathetic and receptive,
and though later he was to receive impressions from
the most varied studies, it would not be too much to
say that at this period of his life he was more
powerfully affected by the personal influence of Colet
and by the fascination exercised on him by the
character and writings of Pico than by anything else.
'You are,' he said to Colet, 'the director of my life.'
And that Pico might be to others what he had been to
him he translated about this time Gherascho's Life
of him, together with four of his Epistles, his Com
mentary on the sixteenth Psalm and some minor pieces
in prose and verse, which were published in 1510.

It was by Colet's advice that he took the step which
finally severed him from a monastic life. In 1505 he
married Jane the eldest daughter of John Colt, a
country gentleman of New Hall in Essex. There is

LIFE OF MOKE xiii

a tradition that he preferred her younger sister, but
thinking that such a choice would seem a slight on the
elder, very considerately and, it may be added, charac
teristically, made Jane his bride. He had probably no
reason to regret his choice. He appears to have been
very happy with her during the six years that she was
spared to him. She bore him four children, among
them Margaret, afterwards the wife of William Roper,
'likest her father as well in favour as in wit,' and
destined to be his chief solace and comfort when
he sorely needed both. After nis marriage he took
a house in Bucklersbury, St. Stephen's, Walbrook.
Erasmus has left a very charming picture of More's
household at Bucklersbury when he visited him both
in 1505 and in 1510.

During the remainder of the reign of Henry VII,
More chiefly occupied himself withhis legal studies, with
his translation of Pico, with his versions from Lucian's
Dialogues — and the choice he made was significant, the
Oynicus, the Menippus and the Philopsetides — and gener
ally with classics and theology. It would seem also that
he visited the Continent and made some inquiries into
the educational studies and methods of the Universities
of Paris and Louvain.

The accession of Henry VIII, to whom he addressed,
and whom he welcomed in the longest and most im
portant of his poems, the Carmen Gratulatorium,removed
all impediments from his path, and More rapidly rose
to distinction. He was made a Bencher of his Inn,
and in September 1510 Under-sheriff of London, in
those days a judicial office of great responsibility and
honour. In addition to this his private practice as a
barrister became so extensive that in a short time he

xiv INTRODUCTION.

was making an income estimated in our money at about
£5,000 a year. Distinguished alike by his eminent
abilities, his untiring industry, his integrity, his tact
and the extraordinary charm of his manners, his
temper and his conversation, he not only became gener
ally one of the most popular men of his time, but was
soon singled out as one peculiarly qualified for the nicest
offices of negotiation and diplomacy. His connexion
with the City had always been a close one ; his cour
ageous resistance to the subsidy of 1504 had been
gratefully remembered by those who would have most
smarted from it, and it seems that as early as 1508 he
had been made free of the Mercers' Company.

He had not long to wait for a flattering testimony
to the high opinion which had been formed of his
abilities by the City authorities. In 1514 the breaking
off of the proposed marriage between Prince Charles,
the son of Philip, Archduke of Austria, and Maiy, the
sister of Henry VIII, had not only led to unpleasantly
strained relations between England and Castile and
the Netherlands, but had provoked the English Govern
ment to take a step which most seriously affected
the wool-trade. Wool was then the staple commodity
of our merchandise, Flanders the chief centre of cloth
manufacturing. As those manufactures were freely
admitted into England, it was of great importance that
our wool should be as freely admitted into Flanders.
Henry, however, piqued and irritated by the step which
Prince Charles's advisers had taken, had retorted by
prohibiting the exportation of wool to Holland and
Zealand, in the hope of injuring Charles's subjects
by causing a wool-famine in the Netherlands. But
before this there had been, both in London and in

LIFE OF MOKE xv

Antwerp, continual friction between the Flemish and
English merchants on matters connected with the
staple. As it was not at this time desirable that there
should be any rupture between Castile and England,
and as both Henry and Wolsey were anxious to re
establish friendly relations, it was decided in the
spring of 1515 to send an Embassy to the Netherlands
' for the continuance of the treaties of intercourse
between the late Kings of England and Castile.' At
the head of the Embassy was Cuthbert Tunstall, then
Archdeacon of Chester and shortly to become Master of
the Eolls, and with him were joined Richard Sampson.
Vicar-General of Tournay, and Sir Thomas Spinelly.
On hearing of the proposed Embassy the London
merchants petitioned that their grievances should also
be considered, that they should be specially represented,
and that More should represent them. Accordingly,
with the King's consent, More was attached to the
Embassy, with one John Clifford as his assistant. It
appears that More's duties were strictly confined to the
mercantile arrangements, which he found exceedingly
troublesome. He arrived at Bruges on May 18, 1515,
where he remained about four months. As the deputies
appointed to confer with the Embassy could not agree
on all points, they withdrew to Brussels ' to know their
Prince's pleasure'; and More wrent on to Antwerp, where
he made the acquaintance of Peter Giles, and employed
his leisure time in writing the second book of the Utopia.
He returned to England towards the end of the year,
after an absence of some seven months, by no means in
love with a foreign Ambassador's position, but thankful,
he says, for having had the privilege of living in
intimacy with Tunstall, and for having made the

xvi INTRODUCTION

acquaintance of Peter Giles. He had been so successful
as a negotiator that both the King and Wolsey were
anxious that he should give up his practice and devote
himself to public life. But More had little faith either
in kings as masters, or in the prospects of their servants.
If he was too courteous and prudent even to hint —
for he was at this time engaged on the first book of the
Utopia — what he was putting into the mouth of Hythlo-
daye, there can be no doubt that it represented his real
opinions. But he had only staved off the unwelcome
moment when greatness was to be thrust upon him.
An accident soon turned the scale. It chanced that
a vessel belonging to the Pope had been seized at
Southampton and claimed as forfeit to the Crown.
Campeggio the Papal Envoy demanded counsel to
defend the right of his master. It was an important
suit, and More was selected to represent the Pope.
The King, himself an accomplished casuist who de
lighted in such displays, was present when More argued
the case. He was so struck with More's ability as a
lawyer and a logician that he importuned him to re
consider his former decision. There can only be one
end to the importunities of kings under such circum
stances, and in March 1517 we find Erasmus writing
to Tunstall that More had been ' dragged to Court.' In
one of his conversations with the King on this subject,
Henry, probably in reply to some objection of More,
said solemnly, ' First look up to God and after God
to me,' words of which some eighteen years later
More had occasion to remind him.

It is not difficult to understand More's unwillingness
to change his position. A philosopher and a scholar to
whom above all things the humanities and everything

LIFE OF MOEE xvii

that pertained to them was dear, with as little worldly
ambition as St. Francis or as his friend Erasmus, of
the simplest tastes, blest and delighting in the com
munion of men of like temper with himself, contented
with the fulfilment of his daily professional duties,
happy in his simple home, of the strongest domestic
affections — no man had so little to gain by what so
many less happily tempered would have coveted so
eagerly. It is moreover not unlikely that if he did
not foresee the tragedy of the future in its terrible
details he apprehended it generally. His life as a
private man had been a very full one. Though his
official and professional duties had kept him incessantly
occupied he had taken the greatest interest in the
foundation of his friend Colet's School, St. Paul's, which
was opened in 1510, and in the regulation of its studies.
He had more than once championed him against the
opposition and calumnies of the Obscurantists, who
were as active in England as they were in Germany.
With letters and with men of letters he had been
in daily communion. In 1510 Erasmus had been his
guest at Bucklersbury, and had delighted his host by
reading to him the inimitable Encomium Moriae com
posed under his roof. Nor had his own pen been idle.
In addition to the Utopia he had found time to com
pose his Latin epigrams on the French War, and what
was of more importance, his epoch-marking History of
Richard III — 'the first example,' according to Hallam,
' of good English language, pure and perspicuous, well
chosen, without vulgarisms and pedantry.'

In 1510 a great sorrow had befallen him, for, in that
year, he had lost his first wife, who had left him with
four helpless children, the eldest of whom was only six

xviii INTRODUCTION

years of age. If before the year had run out he had
brought home a second bride, this is to be attributed,
not to any want of respect or affection for the wife
whom he had lost, but to the necessity of finding
a kindly and trustworthy guardian for his children.
This lady, who was a widow seven years older than her
husband, reminds us occasionally, it must be admitted,
of Xantippe, and we have it on the authority of her
husband that she was nee bella nee puella, as he
more than once playfully observed to her ; but she
proved a good housekeeper and was kind to his chil
dren. Shortly after his second marriage he is said
to have left his house at Bucklersbury and settled
at Crosby Place, Bishopsgate.

His entrance into public life was the turning-point
in his career. Honours and preferments quickly
followed. In 1518 he was Master of the Bequests,
a month afterwards sworn of the Privy Council. In
1520 he attended the King to the Field of the Cloth of
Gold. In 1521 he was knighted and made Under-
Treasurer. In April 1523 he was chosen Speaker of
the House of Commons, probably at the King's
request. In 1526 he succeeded Sir Eichard Wingfield
as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and in the
same year held an office — one of a committee of three
appointed to confer daily with the King — which
brought him into close communion with Henry and
led to the affectionate intimacy of which Koper speaks.
The extraordinary success with which in the summer
of 1529 he conducted the negotiations at the Treaty of
Cambray — 'procuring,' says Koper, 'far more benefits
unto his realm than at that time by the King and
Council was possible to be compassed ' — led imine-

LIFE OF MOEE xix

diately to the climax of his honours. On October the
1 9th of that year the Great Seal was taken from
Wolsey, and on the 25th transferred to More.

Over the chief events of More's Chancellorship,
namely his attitude to the Reformation and his per
secution of the Reformers, as well as on what led to his
fall and death, we must pause.

Few incidents in history have been so little under
stood and so much misrepresented as the part he played
in the great schism. It seems indeed to involve in
explicable contradictions. The mildest, the kindliest,
the most benevolent of men appears suddenly trans
formed into the harshest and austerest of fanatics, and
undoubtedly connived at many cruel actions. A man
who in theory was not only the advocate of religious
toleration, but upheld as an ideal a religion so liberal'
and catholic that it differed in no respect from that of
Plato and Cicero, becomes in practice the stern and
uncompromising champion of mere and rigid dogma.
Many of the charges against him, it is true, fall to the
ground on investigation, for some, perversion and
exaggeration are responsible. But there can be no
doubt that when he described himself in his epitaph
as furibus homicidis haereticisque molestus he interpreted
both his temper and his attitude. He may not have
been responsible for the law which he administered
when he sent Bilney, Tewkesbury, Bayfield and
Bainham to their terrible death, but there can be no
doubt that he approved of it, and would have been the
last to consent to its repeal. It is clear from his
Apology that he submitted many, if not to the torture
of the rack, to the severest corporal punishment, and
it is abundantly clear from his writings and cor-
b 2

XX

respondence generally that he thought no measures
too stringent for the extirpation of heresy. His
controversial works, particularly the Vindicatio Henrici
VIII published under the pseudonym of Gulielmus
Kosseus, and his Dialogue against heresies, are written
with an intemperance, a coarseness and an acrimony
which must amaze every one who knows him as he
appears in his other writings and in the other passages
of his life.

But this is easily explained and as easily reconciled
with all that we love and all that we honour in the
man who in temper and character most nearly realizes
the Socrates of the Apology, Crito and Phaedo. To
More, from his boyhood upwards, nothing was so
sacred and so dear as the Church of his fathers. Its
ritual, its ceremony, its doctrines, its authority were
to him what the Ark of the Covenant was to the
ancient Israelites. Like Savonarola, like his friends
Colet and Erasmus, he denounced the ignorance, the
worldliness, the vices, the corruption generally of
its unworthy servants, and he allowed himself — for
wit and humour are difficult to restrain — a licence in
satire which might, like Swift's Tale of a Tub, seem
at times to involve more than was intended. But
heresy he regarded with horror. In orthodoxy, and
in orthodoxy alone, was salvation. He had no more
notion that what he had written about the religion
and the religious tolerance of the Utopians would be
taken to indicate his real opinions than that what
he had written about communism would be taken
to indicate what as a statesman he was prepared to
put in practice. It was as pure an extravaganza as
the Ecdesiazusae and the Abbey of the Thelemites.

LIFE OF MOEE xxi

When, therefore, in 1520 Luther, bursting the bonds
of reformation in the sense of the term in which More
understood it and was himself contributing to further
it, initiated heresy in his De Captivitate Babylonica,
More at once became alarmed. He was drawn into
the controversy against his will, thinking at first that
Luther's book would carry in itself its own condemna
tion. But he soon found that he was mistaken and
must gird up his loins for the battle. By the time
he had become Chancellor the Pope had not only
been denounced as Antichrist, but was in prison ;
Kome had been sacked, and some forty thousand
Christians, so it was said, massacred in her streets ; the
Peasant Wars had deluged Germany with blood ; the
Anabaptist insurrection had let loose every element
of lawlessness and horror, More's correspondent
Cochlaeus assuring him that for all this Lutheranism,
and Lutheranism alone, was responsible. Tyndale's
Bible and many other publications were spreading
the heresy throughout England, and even into his own
household it had made its way. 'Friend Eoper,' he
had sadly said, while as yet the cloud was but a speck
upon the horizon, ' I pray God that some of us, high as
we seem to sit upon the mountains, treading heretics
under our feet like ants, live not to see the day when
we gladly would wish to be at league with them, to let
them have their churches quietly to themselves, so
that they would be contented to let us have ours
quietly to ourselves.' What, in More's opinion, was
at stake was the whole fabric of society and govern
ment, the temporal and eternal salvation of Christen
dom. He was in truth witnessing the breaking-up
of the life and work of ten centuries, the dissolution

xxii INTKODUCTION

of an old, the initiation of a new world. He stood
in a similar position to the position of Burke two
centuries and a half later. Both were mistaken, both
were in the right ; mistaken, for they were not seers
and could not discern the future ; in the right, for they
read correctly what was directly involved in what they
saw and what the immediate consequences would be.
Both were in panic, for in both alarm had been
intensified by acute sensibility, by imaginations easily
impressed and kindled, and by misinformation. When
More accepted the Seals the course which his fears, his
connexions and his conscience had, as a private man,
directed him to take, he was now, as the chief official
of the Crown, compelled by oath to take : for a part
of the oath administered to him as Lord Chancellor
was an assurance that he would ' use of his power to
destroy all manner of heresies.' What is supposed
to be the greatest blot on his memory — the execution
of Bilney, Bayfield, Tewkesbury and Bainham — he has
himself justified on grounds the sufficiency of which
is, from his point of view, indisputable. Their lives
were taken that many other lives might be saved.
Examples were necessary that frenzy might not become
epidemic. Admitting, then, without reserve that More
was a persecutor of the Protestants, that in practice
he was party to many very cruel actions, and that as
a controversialist he employed all the legitimate
weapons of indignation and contempt, it may yet
be contended, that there was nothing incompatible in
this with the gentleness and benevolence which in
all the other actions of his life he displays. In this
connexion it would be unjust to him to omit an
anecdote which Harpsfield relates. When Koper,

LIFE OF MOKE xxiii

seduced by some of Luther's books, had taken up with
the new heresy, his father-in-law reasoned with him and
endeavoured to bring him back to orthodoxy, but in
vain. Meeting shortly afterward with his daughter
Margaret, he said, ' Meg, I have borne a long time with
thy husband. I have reasoned and argued a long time
with him and still given him my poor fatherly counsel;
but I perceive none of all this can call him home again.
And, therefore, Meg, I will no longer dispute with
him, nor yet will I give him over ; but I will go
another way to work, and get me to God and pray
for him.' And of one thing we may be very sure,
that this was neither the first nor the last time that
he thus tempered controversy and persecution.

But to turn to More in another capacity. As Lord
Chancellor his industiy, his integrity, and his incor-
ruption when corruption was universal, have been
admitted even by his enemies. When he took office
there were, says Stapleton, causes which had remained
undecided for twenty years ; but ' he presided so
dexterously and so successfully that once, after taking
his seat, and deciding a case, when the next case was
called there was no second case for trial, such a thing
is said never to have happened before or since.' As
a rule, every afternoon he sat in his open hall that
all who had suits or complaints might have free access
to him. Many stories are told of his refusal to accept
from suitors what his predecessors had come to regard
as the perquisites of their office, and of the scrupulous
impartiality of his administration of justice. 'If,' he
once said to one of his sons-in-law who had, on the
grounds of kinship, expected to be favoured, ' my father
whom I dearly love were on one side and the devil

xxiv INTRODUCTION

whom I sincerely hate were on the other, the devil
should have his rights.' The two and a half years
during which More occupied the Woolsack are certainly
to be numbered among its brightest annals.

Till the spring of 1532 there had been no cloud
on the intimate and even affectionate relations which
existed between More and the King. The King had
frequently visited him at Chelsea, wandering about
the garden with his arm round his favourite's neck ;
and it had been at Henry's urgent request that More
had accepted the Chancellorship. But the two men
were soon to stand in very different relations. As
early as September 1527 Henry had informed him of
the scruples which were beginning to trouble him
about the legitimacy of his marriage with Catherine.
More promised to study the question. He did so, and
satisfied himself that there was nothing to justify the
dissolution of the marriage. This he frankly acknow
ledged to the King, and it appears to have been agreed
between them that until More could arrive at a different
conclusion he should be silent on the subject and confine
himself to his ordinary duties. He became Chancellor
against his will, being probably well aware of the King's
motives in conferring the honour upon him, but re
mained silent. The King then became importunate —
Was his friend still of the same opinion, was he still
unable to serve him ? Then More wrote : 'It is grievous
in my heart that I am not able to serve your Grace in
this matter .... but I ever bear in my mind the
words which your Highness spoke to me on my first
coming into your noble service, bidding me first look
up to God and after God to you.'

Meanwhile the events which preceded the divorce

LIFE OF MOEE xxv

and the rupture with Eome took place, and More, find
ing his position increasingly embarrassing, resigned
the Seals. Then came the rupture, the divorce, and the
marriage with Anne Boleyn. On all these subjects
More expressed publicly no opinion ; he avoided the
Court and absented himself from the Coronation of the
new Queen. Next ensued the affair of the Maid of
Kent. The King was furious. Fisher, Bishop of
Rochester, was accused of misprision of treason, con
victed, imprisoned and ruinously fined. More, who
had been suspected of complicity, was examined ; but as
the only evidence against him was that he had written
a letter to the Maid advising her to attend to her devo
tions and not meddle in the affairs of princes, his name
was struck out of the Bill of Attainder, and the King
contented himself with depriving him of his salary.
' Master More,' said the Duke of Norfolk, ' it is perilous
striving with Princes ; the revenge of Princes is death.'
' Is that all, my Lord ? ' replied More, with a smile ;
' then, in good faith, the difference between your Grace
and me is, that I shall die to-day and you to-morrow.'
But the long struggle in which More endeavoured to
reconcile his loyalty as a subject to his sovereign and
his loyalty as a Christian to his conscience was soon to
cease. In March 1534 the Act of Succession was passed.
It limited the succession to the issue of the King and
of Anne Boleyn, but to it was appended a formula
declaring the Princess Mary to be illegitimate, and
forbidding obedience to any foreign potentate. More
had no difficulty in expressing on oath his assent to
the settlement of the Crown on the offspring of the
new marriage ; but assent to the Bill involved assent
to what the formula implied, the illegality of the

xxvi INTRODUCTION

marriage with Catherine and the repudiation of the
Pope as head of the Church. Such was the oath
which More was required to take, or, at his peril, to
refuse. He received a summons to appear at Lambeth.
He knew his hour had come. 'Son Koper,' he said
to his daughter Margaret's husband, ' I thank our Lord
the field is won.' As he left his house for the last
time he would not allow his wife and children to
follow him, as they were accustomed to do, to the boat,
for he usually went as then he did by river, but ' pulled
the wicket after him and shut them from him.' That
evening he was in the custody of the Abbot of West
minster, and four days afterwards in the Tower.

Nearly fifteen months intervened between his arrival
at his prison and the final scene. The history of that
time is written in his own correspondence, and in the
biographies of Eoper, of Stapleton and of Cresacre
More ; and no story, with one obvious exception, so
noble and so pathetic has ever been told of man since
Plato related how Socrates addressed his judges,
refuted Crito, and passed his last hours on earth.

When More left his house at Chelsea, he no doubt
saw that there could be only one end to the course
which he was taking ; but what removed him from
the pale of jurisdiction which affected only his liberty
and property and brought him within reach of the
law which inflicted the death sentence was the Act of
Supremacy. He could now no longer reply to questions
intended to incriminate him as he replied to Cromwell,
' I am the King's faithful subject and daily bedesman.
I say no harm; I think no harm.' For the new Act
provided that it was not only high treason to deny the
King's title to supremacy over the Church, but to refuse

LIFE OF MOKE xxvii

to acknowledge it. On the first of July 1534, after
many harassing examinations, he stood at the Bar in
Westminster Hall, before the Lord Chancellor and
nine other judges. In the indictment was included
much which was false and much which was irrele
vant, and More pleaded not guilty. But as before, so
now, he would not acknowledge the title of the King
to Supremacy over the Church. On the same day the
jury returned a verdict of guilty ; sentence of death
was passed upon him, and what one of his successors
on the Woolsack has described as ' the blackest crime
that ever has been perpetrated in England under the
form of law ' had been committed by that jury and by
those judges.

He was led out of court, for he was very feeble, by
his old friend Sir William Kingston, Constable of the
Tower, who accompanied him as far as the Swan Inn,
near London Bridge, where the guards in charge and the
throng of people paused. There Kingston had to leave
him, and More, seeing the tears running down his
friend's cheeks, tried to comfort him, promising that he
would pray for him — would pray that they might meet
and be 'merry together' in heaven. On the way,
probably as he approached the Tower, his son John
threw himself at his feet and implored his blessing.
Calmly it was given, more calmly than it was received.
The procession moved on. He had j^ow arrived at the
Tower Wharf, where his daughter |largaret was await
ing him. On seeing her father she rushed forward,
' pressing in,' writes Koper, who witnessed the scene,
' amongst the midst of the throng and company of the
guard that with halberts and bills went round about
him, hastily ran to him, and there openly, in sight of

xxviii INTRODUCTION

them all, embraced him and took him about the neck
and kissed him.' The frenzy of her grief was such that
she could only utter the words, ' Oh, my father ! Oh,
my father ! ' Then she kneeled that she might receive
his benediction. ' Take patience, Margaret,' he said with
composure, after giving it, 'and do not grieve. God
has willed it so. For many years didst thou kn v the
secret of my heart.' She rose and left him, but again
she returned, ' as one that had forgotten herself,' throw
ing her arms round his neck and covering his face with
kisses. It was a scene which brought tears into the
eyes of all who witnessed it, the very guards themselves,
we are told, were weeping. At last she withdrew,
and for More the bitterness of death had passed.

The few days that remained to him he spent not in
preparation for what his whole life had been a prepara
tion, but in endeavouring to cheer and console those
who loved him, in assuring those who did not that he
had no intention of saving his life by recantation, in
sending little remembrances of himself to those who
would treasure them, and in cheery and often humorous
conversation with the officials of the Tower. On Sir
Thomas Pope informing him, early in the morning of
the day fixed for his execution, that it was the King's
will that it should take place at nine o'clock, he replied,
'I am bounden to his Highness that it pleaseth him
so shortly to rid me from the miseries of this wretched
world ; and there will I not fail earnestly to pray for
his Grace, both here and also in the world to come.'
He also expressed his gratitude to the King for con
senting to his request that his daughter Margaret
should be present at his burial. As he left the Tower-
gate on his way to the scaffold, a poor woman came

LIFE OF MORE xxix

from her house and offered him a cup of wine. He
courteously thanked her, but declined it, saying, ' Christ
at His Passion drank no wine, but gall and vinegar.'
The scaffold, which had been hurriedly erected, was
very unsteady, and shook as he placed his foot on the
ladder. Turning to the lieutenant who was standing
by he said 'merrily,' 'I pray thee see me safe up, and
for my coming down let me shift for myself.' In
accordance with custom the executioner begged his
forgiveness. More turned to him, kissed him and
said, ' Thou wilt do me this day a greater benefit than
ever any mortal man can be able to do me ' ; and then,
as he probably saw that there was some danger of the
man's nerve failing him, added, ' Pluck up thy spirits,
man, and be not afraid to do thine office. My neck is
very short ; take heed therefore that thou strike not
awry for saving of thine honesty.' He then laid his
head on the block, but suddenly raising it, said in a low
voice, ' Stay till I have moved my beard ; that at least
has not committed treason ' — a touch of humour equally
characteristic, but not so pointed as the last inimitable
request which Socrates uncovered his face to utter.

The axe fell ; and the blood of the wisest, the noblest
and most faithful of his servants was on the head of a
brutal and stupid tyrant. When the Emperor Charles V
heard of More's death from the English ambassador
the comment he made on it was : ' Well, this, we will
say, if we had been the master of such a servant we
would rather have lost the best city of our dominions
than have lost such a counsellor.'

More is the English Socrates, and if we except what
may be called the accidents of his career, the facts,
namely that he inherited narrowing superstitions

xxx INTRODUCTION

which he could not cast off, and that in high office he
served his country, and was thus involved in transac
tions and controversies little becoming a philosopher,
the parallel is so close that nothing is wanting to
complete it.

II. OKIGIN AND INSPIRATION OF THE
UTOPIA

WHERE and under what circumstances the Utopia
was composed we have already seen. As it is, whether
regarded as a work of art, as a satire, or in relation
to its didactic purpose a mirror of the age which
witnessed its composition, on the general character
istics of that age a few words are necessary. When
More took up his pen the knell of the Mediaeval
World had sounded. The World of the Renaissance,
which had fully developed itself in Italy, was beginning
to assume definition in England. On all sides the
horizons of intelligence and experience were being
enlarged. The study of Greek had been introduced
into our Universities and into two or three of our
schools, and was being pursued with enthusiasm by
influential men. A regular communication had been
opened with the most eminent scholars of the Continent,
some of whom had been our visitors. The Greek
Testament and Novum Instrumentum of Erasmus had
made an era not merely in Theology but in theological
thought, practically revolutionizing both. With the
Christian Scriptures had been associated the Platonic
writings, and the philosophy and literature generally of
ancient Greece and Borne were beginning curiously and
reverently to be studied. And to all this the invention

ORIGIN AND INSPIRATION OF ' ?TT Jl-IA' xxxi

of moveable types had given wings. r.o ;-:-<-.a.t astro
nomical discovery of Copernicus, and the geographical
discoveries associated with the names of Dias, of Cabo,
of Columbus, of Vespucci had opened out new vistas
and new paths to speculation and enterprise. The
Intercursus Magnus had laid the foundations of Inter
national Law. Social life was being slowly transformed;
the old Feudalism was dying ; the old Chivalry was all
but dead. The Church was still unchanged ; but already
the distant murmur of the Keformation was beginning
to be heard. In a word, what were at work every
where, in different stages of definition and in different
degrees of activity, were the forces which dissolved the
world of the Middle Ages and constructed the world of
the Renaissance and of the Keformation.

We have seen how More lived in intimate com
munion with the apostles of the New Learning,
how closely he was in touch with the Humanists
and with all that pertained to the humanities, how
devoted a student of the Greek and Roman Classics.
But he was much more than a student and a humanist :
he was a lawyer, a churchman in his instincts, and a
politician, keenly interested in legal, ecclesiastical and
political questions. Singularly observant of all that
passed before his eyes, of acute sensibility, most
sympathetic, and of infinite benevolence, he was emin- »
ently a philanthropist. With this temper, with these !
tastes and with these accomplishments, he surveyed
the world which was passing round him, both at i
home and on the Continent. That world he has
painted in the first book of the Utopia. Let us glance ~J
at it.~

On the Papal Chair sat indeed a Pope (Leo X) who

xxxii INTRODUCTION

was fr — . at* ^'humane, and who preferred peace to war,
tn:*. vVv'o yenrs before it had been filled by Julius II,
«^iiose porvti^cate had been one long and bloody struggle
toextend hisjdominions and aggrandize his fa-nily. The
testoration of Hungary and Bohemia, the annexation
of the Netherlands, of Tranche Compte, of Artois, and
of Castile and Aragon, by marriage, by intrigue or by
war, may be said to sum up the aims of the Emperor
Maximilian. In France the 'most Christian King'
Louis XII, who had sacrificed thousands of lives, and
had been prepared to sacrifice thousands more, in a most
un-Christian attempt to possess himself of Milan and
the two Sicilies, had just been succeeded by Francis I,
who was about to enter on a vaster course of rapacious
conquest ; Ferdinand of Aragon, whose whole career
had been little else than an ignoble record of rapacity
and fraud, was scheming to wrest Navarre from France.
To come nearer home, Henry VIII, burning for military
glory, had twice invaded France, to find on the first
occasion that he had been made the dupe of his greedy
father-in-law and the laughingstock of Europe. To
retrieve this disaster, a second expedition, with him
self at the head of it, had, at a vast expense, been fitted
out. The result had been a series of blunders, a futile
victory won by an accident, and the capture of two
unimportant towns, Terouenne and Tournay; Henry
returning in ridiculous pomp to concert with Wolsey
a third expedition. Animated by the same spirit as
his more conspicuous brethren, James IV, the King
of Scotland, had invaded England, to pay the penalty
of his mingled ambition, perfidy and recklessness
with his own life and with the lives of ten thousand
of his countrymen. Of the entire indifference of the

ORIGIN AND INSPIRATION OF ' UTOPIA' xxxiii

sovereigns of that day to the interests of their subjects,
or indeed to everything but the gratification of their
own tastes and pleasures, whether at ruinous expense
in pomps and tournaments and every form of profligate
expenditure, or in the pursuit at any cost of misery
and blood to their kingdoms and dependants, — of this
the literature of those times is full. (For illustrations
see the Notes.) The internal condition of Englan3
was deplorable. Agriculture had been almost de
stroyed by the wholesale conversion of arable into
pasture land for the purpose of breeding sheep to
obtain wool. Hundreds of miles of country, once
occupied by thriving hamlets and villages, had been
enclosed and converted into sheepwalks. The effects
of this had been to turn thousands of able-bodied men
and their families adrift on the roads and in the towns,
to become beggars and thieves. While the peasant
and labourer were either starving or swinging on the
gibbet — for they were hanged in hundreds for petty '
larcenies — the nobility, capitalists and abbots were
revelling in the wealth which had been acquired by
the infliction of this misery. (For illustrations of all
this see the Notes.) Well might More make Hythlo-
daye say that in Christian Commonwealths he ' could
see nothing but a certain conspiracy of rich men pro
curing their own commodities under the name and
title of the Commonwealth.' Nor were there wanting
other sources of distress and evil. In London and in
the towns the administration of justice was conducted
with merciless severity. The punishment for larceny
was death ; and each year many hundreds, sometimes \
twenty at a time, perished on the gallows. Sanitary
regulations were unknown. The poor lived like piga

xxxiv INTRODUCTION

f their habits being too loathsome to describe. Many
of the streets of the city were little bett^** than open
sewers, and even the Strand is descrio jd in an Act
of Parliament passed in 1523 as 'very noyous, foul
and jeopardous.' The consequence was the periodical
visitation of decimating epidemics, while fever and
diseases of all kinds were generally busy. Public
hospitals, with the exception of St. Bartholomew's,
there were none ; and it was not till two years after the
Utopia was written,;' till the foundation, that is to say,
of the Royal College of Physicians in 1518 by More's
friend Linacre, that any attempt was made to organize
medical science. Such was the world the elements
. of which, whether as inspiration or theme, entered
into the composition of the Utopia.

The work had probably been in More's mind some
years before its inception ; at all events, it is certain
that some of the subjects with which it deals had
occupied his attention. Dr. Lupton remarks that in his

f"' Epigrammata, written probably as early as 1500, More
had dwelt on the subject of greed, public and private,

' — and on the difference between a lawful king and a
tyrant (see the Epigrams ' In avarum,' the titles ' Dives
avarus pauper est sibi,' the 'Sola Mors Tyrannicida
est,' 'Quid inter Tyrannum et Principem,' 'Bonum
Principem esse Patrem non Dominum,' 'Regem non
satellitium sed virtus reddit tutum,'and, most remark
able of all, ' Populus consentiens regnum dat et aufert,'
' Quis optimus reipublicae status'). In the Carmen Gra-
tulatorium, addressed on his accession to Henry VIII,
he had ventured to hint a contrast between the 'end
of bondage' and 'the beginning of freedom/ between
the time ' when public offices were sold ' and the time

ORIGIN AND INSPIKATION OF ' UTOPIA' xxxv

when they 'would be freely bestowed on the good.'
His studies, too, of the De Civitate Dei must have
familiarized him with the notion of an ideal republic.

But the work was probably suggested and inspired^
by Erasmus. We have only to turn to the Adagia
and to the Encomium Moriae to see how much there/
was in common between what Erasmus had already;
expressed and what More was about to express. In
these works will not, indeed, be found any hint eithefi*
for the framework or for the method and tone adopted
and assumed by More. But there is the same analysis
of the maladies under which the political communities
of those times were labouring; the same attribution tp
the same causes, the ignorance, the selfishness, the
rapacity, the ambition of princes ; the same contempt
for priests and lawyers ; the same exposure of the
mischief and misery caused by the employment qf
mercenary troops ; the same pity for the poor ; thje
same indignation at oppression and undue severity iti
the administration of justice. And, what is still more
striking, we find Erasmus expressing sympathy with
Communism, and acknowledging that it would be a
remedy for the greater part of the evils then prevalent,.
In commenting on the proverb ' Amicorum communia\
omnia ' he says : ' Quod quidem si tarn esset fixum in \
hominum animis, quam nulli non est in ore, profecto
maxima malorum parte vita nostra levaretur ....
Sed dictu mirum quam non placeat, immo quam
lapidetur a Christianis Platonis ilia communitas, cum
nihil unquam ab ethnico philosopho dictum sit magis
ex Christi sententia.' Adagia, Ed. 1606, p. 109, sub
cap. 'Amicorum communia omnia.' Nor must we
forget the inspiring influence of his friend Colet, who, J

COLLINS C 2

fl

xxxvi INTRODUCTION

in a public sermon preached at Easter, i5i3,Y7before the
King, had had the courage to inform himj that wars
were seldom undertaken 'except from hatred and
ambition,' and that, instead of imitating the examples
of Caesars and Alexanders, it much more became a
Christian prince to imitate the example of Christ.'

III. FRAMEWORK AND MODELS

" THE notion of an ideal commonwealth, as the ex
pression in a fable of what would at once be a standard
and touchstone for social and political regulations — a
counsel of perfection, and a satire by implication on
existing conditions and institutions— was not new.
More had several precedents, and, for his details, laid
many works under contribution. The references of
Hythlodaye to Plato indicate the first and most im
portant of More's models. To the Republic he was
indebted generally for the idea of a pattern common
wealth based on Communism, and to it and to Plato's
other dialogues for the suggestion of the dramatic setting
and dialectic ot the first book : the many details which
he has borrowed from it have been pointed out in the
notes. But his indebtedness to the Timaeus and Critias
was almost equally great. In Atlantis he found the
archetype, in the physical description of Atlantis a
model for the physical description of Utopia. And he
found more. He learned from the artist of these
dialogues the art of making fiction assume a form
almost indistinguishable from truth, the art of ' noble
lying.' But a subtler influence is to be traced to
Plato, the influence of the Platonic Socrates, with
his delicate play of irony, his jest and seriousness so
-/f -

FKAMEWORK AND MODELS xxxvii

finely and bafflingly mingled that no wit not of
kinship with his own can distinguish them. To the
Romance which comes next in order, and which, though
written with the same object as More's, has in its
framework nothing in common, the Cyropaedia of
Xenophon, he is under no obligation. Of Cicero's De
BepuNica he could of course have made no use. But
Plutarch's Instituta Laconica he had certainly studied,
and has borrowed some details from it which are
pointed out in the Notes. It is possible, it is indeed
not improbable, that he may have been influenced by
a work which at first sight appears to have nothing
in common with his own, the Gennania of Tacitus.
There can be little doubt that under the guise of an
ethnographical and historical treatise Tacitus was, like
(Jtore, satirizing by implication the morals and insti — i
tutions of his own nation and countrymen ; that his
object was to contrast the characters, habits and
polity of his virtuous savages with those of the
degenerate Romans, just as More contrasts the Euro- 1
peans of his own time with the Utopians^ '"TKe^'J
structure and method of the Germania and of the
second book of the Utopia are closely analogous. Both
begin with a description of the physical features of
the country described in them ; both proceed to an
account in detail of all those peculiarities in public
and private, in agricultural and political life which
stand in the sharpest contrast to what obtained in
civilized Europe, and in each many of the peculiarities
most emphasized are curiously similar. (For some of
the most striking of these parallels see the Notes.)

As his acquaintance with Saint Augustine's De Civi-
tate Dei was very intimate, we naturally look for traces

xxxviii INTRODUCTION

of its influence on his ,*ork. Dr. Lupton discerns it
'in the conception of a perfect order as it prevailed in
the city of God : in the due subordination of every
^member of the society, each being glad to do his own
work and fall into his own place : in the community
of goods, and in the use and limitation of bond-service.'

But what furnished More, not with the notion, but
with the actual framework of the Utopia was some
thing very different from any of these works. In
September 1507 appeared, printed at St. Di6 in the
Vosges, as an appendix to a little book entitled
Cosmograpliiae Introduction to which was appended a
Latin translation of Amerigo Vespucci's four voyages
as described by himself — Quatuor Americi Vesputii Navi-
gationes. In this tract Vespucci describes how, on his
second voyage, he sailed from Lisbon on May the I4th,
1501, passed the Canary Islands to Cape Verde, and
explored 'those regions.' He there found a people
leading a life very similar in many respects to More's
Utopians. They had no property, but held all things
in common, living according to nature. They had no
king, no sovereignty, and every one was his own master.
They had a great quantity of gold but regarded it
of no account. Of pearls, jewels, and all such things
as Europeans prize, they thought nothing. More's use
of this is obvious.

But it is on the description of the fourth voyage
that More founds his fable. Vespucci here relates
how, again setting sail in May 1503 with six ships, they
crossed the line, and in August sighted an island, now
identified as Fernando Noronha ; how the chief vessel
was here wrecked ; how, getting separated from the
other ships, he fell in with one of them after eight

FLAMEWOKK AND MODELS xxxix

days ; how they then both made for Bahia, and, after
a stay of seventeen days there, proceeded southwards
till they arrived at a harbour (Cape Frio) ; how, after
freighting their ships with Brazil wood, they returned
to Lisbon, leaving behind at Cape Frio a small garrison
or factory, 'castellum,' of twenty-four men with arms,
and provisions : ' Kelictis in castello prefato Chris ticolis
xxiiij, et, cum illis, xiij machinis ac aliis pluribus armis,
una cum provisione pro sex mensibus sufficiente, necnon
pacata nobiscum telluris illius gente .... introivimus '
(that is, reached home). Before leaving, Vespucci and
his comrades had penetrated some forty leagues inland,
presumably to ascertain, among other things, the dis
position of the inhabitants previous to the establish
ment of the factory. More represents Hythlodaye as
one of the twenty-four men who had been left by
Vespucci in the factory. To Hythlodaye's assertion,
that he went travelling about through many countries
with five of the twenty -four men who had been left in
the factory after Vespucci's departure, there is nothing
to correspond in Vespucci's narrative.

More has, with great art, completely baffled all
attempts to localize or identify Utopia. For, he
represents Hythlodaye as Vespucci's companion, not
merely on his last voyage, but on his last three
voyages ; so that we do not know whether Utopia lay
among the ' townes and cities and weale publiques full
of people, governed by good and holsome lawes,' which
he visited with his five companions after leaving the
' castellum,' or whether it was one of the communities
described above, as having been visited in the second
voyage.

The mystification was kept up with much humour

xl INTRODUCTION

in two letters, one Britten by Peter Giles to Busley-
den, and one written by More himself to Giles, pre
fixed to the work when it was printed. Giles tells
Busleyden that More had been reproaching himself for
not having ascertained from Hy thlodaye where Utopia
was situated. Hythlodaye had, indeed, said something
on the subject, but it unfortunately happened that, when
Hythlodaye was speaking, More's attention had been
diverted by the entrance of a servant who whispered
in his ear. And Giles himself had been equally un
lucky; for, though he was listening, one of the company
who had caught a cold chanced to cough so loudly, just
at the critical moment, that it drowned what Hythlodaye
said. However, he would do his best, he adds, to get
the information, if Hythlodaye could be found, which
was doubtful ; for some reported that he had died on
his journey home, others that he had gone back to
Utopia. More also writes, humorously importuning
Giles to get this information from Hythlodaye, for he
felt ashamed to have written so elaborately about a
place of which he did not even know the site. And
he had another reason, he says, for repairing this great
and most unfortunate omission : he had heard that
a devout and godly man, a Professor of Divinity, had
expressed a wish to go out to Utopia, as a missionary,
and spread still further the Christianity which some
of the Utopians had adopted ; indeed, he indulged the
hope of becoming Bishop of Utopia. And if, added
More, you do see Hythlodaye, have the goodness to ask
him if the bridge of Amaurote is five hundred paces ?
for ' my boy John Clement says that two hundred of
those paces must be plucked away, for that the river
contains there not above three hundred paces in

FKAMEWOKK AND MODELS xli

breadth.' The matter in itself was a trifle, he continues,
but scrupulous accuracy had been his aim, and this
would be a test of the fidelity of his memory. ' For
I will take good hede that there be in my book
nothynge false.' This elaborate mystification probably
had another purpose than a merely artistic one.

More must have known the peril he incurred by
the publication of such a book, and he was no doubt
anxious to find some loophole for escape should
awkward questions be asked. He wished, therefore,
to emphasize its purely fictitious character — the fact
that it was a mere work of art, a fantastical and in
genious fable. By connecting Hythlodaye with Ves.pu.cci
he gave it an air of reality which could deceive no one. i
and at the same time left it open to him to say that it v 1
was a mere parody of travellers' tales, a satire on one of
the most popular forms of literary fraud. To scholars,
of course, the very nomenclature employed would betray
its origin. Utopia is 'Nusquamia,' ' no-place land' ; its
founder, Utopus, 'no-place one' ; its capital, Amaurote, 'a
phantom city ' ; its river, the Anyder, ' a river which is
no water ' ; the Anemolians, ' people of the wind ' ; the
Polylerites, ' babblers of much nonsense ' ; Achoriens,
' those who have no place on earth ' ; the very name
of the hero, Hythlodaye, signifies 'skilled in babble,' or
possibly 'a distributor of babble.' But More's own
comments, and especially the closing paragraph, would
be a sufficient apology for him, should any one propose
to take him seriously. Certainly, as an artist, he was
the master of De Foe and Swift, and neither has
excelled him in 'the art of feigning.'

xlii INTRODUCTION

Fv. THE PLOT

THE dramatic opening and setting were evidently
suggested by Plato's Republic, while in the report of
the conversation at Morton's table, we are still more
closely reminded of Plato's Dialogue, Morton corre
sponding to Cephalus, Hythlodaye to Socrates, and the
lawyer to Thrasymachus. But the framework is
artfully linked with the facts of More's own life.
He relates how, when on the embassy with Tunstall
to the Low Countries, as he was one morning leav
ing the Cathedral Church at Antwerp after hearing
Mass, he saw his friend Peter Giles in conversation
with a stranger. To that stranger, whose name
was Raphael Hythlodaye, Giles introduced him, tell
ing him that Hythlodaye was a most interesting
man, an accomplished classical scholar, and one who
had been a great traveller. The three then go on
together to More's house and sit down on a bench in
the garden. Hythlodaye begins to talk of his adven
tures, and to describe how in the course of them he
had come across many interesting communities, 'among
them the commonwealth of the Utopians, whose
customs and laws might well serve as examples to
European countries. The conversation of the traveller
is so entertaining, his learning and wisdom so apparent,
that Giles expresses surprise that he had not made his
way into some king's court, for he was sure that there
was no prince living who would not welcome a man
from whom he could learn so much, and whose
"" counsel would be so useful to him. But Hythlodaye
replies that he has no taste for anything that a king
or court could give him, to say nothing of the fact
that princes are too much occupied with their own

^.

"I

THE PLOT xliii

vain pleasures and greedy ambition to listen to such
counsel as he could give them, that there is no place in
courts for any but flatterers and parasites, as ignorant
as they are envious. Even in England he had
' chaunced upon such prowde, lewede, overthwarte and
waywarde judgementes.' Interested to hear that he
had been in England, More elicits from him that he
had resided there some four or five months, and had
received much kindness from Cardinal Morton, of
whose character Hythlodaye speaks with enthusiastic
admiration. He then goes on to relate a conversation
in which he once took part at Morton's table. One of
the guests, a certain lawyer, had been expressing his
approval of the law which punished thieves with
death, and his wonder at the fact that it had had so
little effect in diminishing the crime. Upon this
Hythlodaye took courage to say that it was a most
cruel law, a punishment which greatly exceeded the
offence — that the poor fellows stole that they might
live, and that the true remedy for thieving was not to
hang them, but to provide them with the means of i
getting an honest livelihood. ' But,' retorted the lawyer, i
' there are handycrafts, there is husbandry, ample/
opportunities for working, if they would avail them-j
selves of them. ' This Hythlodaye denied. The country*—/
was full, he went on to say, of disbanded soldiers, either
unfitted by their wounds or too old to learn trades,
and of idle retainers and serving-men, who had lost
or been turned adrift by their masters, and who, being
accustomed to expensive habits and to swaggering about
with swords and bucklers, would not condescend to
ply a spade and mattock for poor wages. ' Why these,'
replied the lawyer, 'are just the men we want to

xliv INTRODUCTION

maintain our glor, in war.' This turns the question
on to war and its ruinous social effects, on which
Hythlodaye proceeded to enlarge. 'But,' he added,
there are other reasons for the poverty, misery and crime
which prevailed, namely, the selfishness of the land
lords in enclosing and turning arable land into pasture ' :
and on this, as well as on what it necessarily involved,
he dilated at length. 'Remove these grievances,' he said,
'forbid enclosures, restore agriculture, put some re
straint on the means by which the rich are able to
aggrandize themselves at the expense of the poor, and
you will have fewer thieves.'

The Cardinal, interrupting the lawyer, who was about
to reply at length, then turned to Hythlodaye and said
he should be glad to hear his reasons for thinking that
theft should not be punished by death. These reasons
Hythlodaye proceeded to give. In the course of his
remarks, he referred to the customs of a certain
Persian community which he had visited in his travels,
namely, the Polylerites, as worthy of imitation in
the use to which they put felons and serving-men.
After a suggestion of the Cardinal's with respect to the
treatment of vagabonds, the conversation was inter
rupted by a lively passage of arms between a certain
Fool who happened to be standing by and a Friar.
The Fool humorously suggested that beggars who
through infirmity could not work should be quartered
on religious houses, the men to become lay brethren
and the women nuns. 'And what,' said the Friar, ' is to
be done with us' ? 'You,' replied the Fool, ' have been
already provided for, when it was suggested that vaga
bonds shouldbe kept in restraint and compelled to work.'
This so enraged the Friar, and the altercation between

THE PLOT xlv

insulter and insulted grew so hot, that the Cardinal
deemed it expedient to nod to the Fool to withdraw.

Hythlodaye having finished his account of his ex
periences in England, the conversation then turns
to Giles's former suggestion, that Hythlodaye should
enter some prince's court, More insisting that for the
Commonwealth's sake he ought to do so. Had not
Plato said that realms could never prosper till their
rulers were philosophers ? and how could those rulers
become philosophers till philosophers advised them ?
Again Hythlodaye points out the futility of such a plan,
and we have an account of the occupations and charac
ters of the princes of those days. Then occurs a passage
which it is surprising that More could at that time have
ventured to publish, in which he makes Hythlodaye —
citing the example of the salutary decrees passed by

the Achorians, 'a people situate over against the
Island of Utopia ' — enlarge on the uselessness and -
ruinous folly of Henry VIII's French wars. He then
proceeds to depict the advisers and means by which
princes are encouraged and supported in their evil
courses, comparing the wise provisions made by the
Macariens, 'a people not far distant from Utopia,'
limiting the power of their kings. At last he comes
to the contrast presented by the wise and goodly
ordinances of the Utopians to what obtained in Europe,
and to these in his subsequent remarks he continually
refers. These repeated references to Utopia and the
Utopians excite More's curiosity about them, and he
begs Hythlodaye to give him a full and precise account
of this wonderful place and those wonderful people.
This, he says, he will gladly do ; but it will take some
time. More proposes that they should first have

xlvi INTRODUCTION

dinner, and then return into the garden. Dinner over,
the three sit on the same bench on which they had
been sitting before, and Hythlodaye begins his narra
tive. This occupies the whole of the second book, being
uninterrupted by any remarks on the part of the
listeners. The narrative concluded, the three friends
go in to supper. Of some things Hythlodaye had said
More could not approve ; but he resolved, for the
present at least, to keep this to himself, partly because
Hythlodaye was weary, and partly because he was not
sure whether he would like to be opposed.

Such is the plot — a masterpiece of dramatic skill and
propriety.

V. PURPOSE OP THE WORK

THE ^purpose of the Utopia was, as Erasmus said
at the time, to point out where and from what causes
the European Commonwealths, and more especially
the English, with which More was most familiar,
were at fault. And he deals with the subject politi
cally, socially and economically, his method being
threefold — Jirst, by placing in the mouth of Hythlodaye
direct comments on the evils and miseries prevalent
in England and Europe, with an analysis of their
causes and suggestions for their remedies ; secondly,
by describing the regulations, habits and institutions
of the Utopians for his readers to draw their own con
clusions, rejecting or accepting as exemplary what
they please ; and thirdly, by holding up the mirror
to the vices and defects of existing commonwealths,
by presenting them in contrast with their perfected
correction in an ideal commonwealth. ' As examples
of the first we have Hythlodaye 's picture of the state

PUKPOSE OF THE WORK

xlvii

of England and of the characters of princes, in the
first book ; his bitterly sarcastic remarks on leagues
and treaties, in the seventh chapter of the second book ;
lu's delineation of the habits and characters of mer
cenary troops, in the eighth chapter ; and hisjndignant
protest against the tyranny of the rich over the poor.
in Hie ninth. Examples— ef~the"^econTJ--would b&^
afforded by the numerous paradoxes and semi-serious
suggestions in which the work abounds, such as J-he
institution of a purely elective monarchy and the defence
ancLadoption of Communism by the Utopians ; their
theory of the right of civilized states to the soil of
waste^oiintries ; "th"e limitation of .labour to six Jiours
a day for every citizen by the^coTPp11^80^ imposition

of~lt- oniiall_citizfins^ the gratuitous presentation to
the poor of every nation with^which they are trading
to th€Lj5eve_nth_gart_ of all the goods exported ; their
mode of conducting_war_by the assassination__of the
leaders^andnSy bribing the subject&_of-4hgr enemy to
commit treason ; their contempt for military glory ;
their confefflpT for titles arid ancestry ; Hie_Jior_rQr
with whicfi they regard ' hunting1— ^the loweste.
vyleste and mbs1f~abjecte part of bocherye * ; their_
detestatiDTi x?f priBsls "Sn'd lawyersTThelrreligion, and
the extent'to "which religious toleration wascarried ;
their employment of womuu aajtfle'sTs ; the ceremonies
before marriage ; the regulations for the education
of women ; 'the encouragement of suicide in cases of
painful and hopeless diseasej an3 EKe7f~~mode of
regarding death and conducting burials. Examples
qf^ the "third wouloPBeT the~descrtption of Amaurpte,
which is plainly contrasted with London,_as the model
of what a city should be, both architecturally and in

xlvili INTRODUCTION./

v\
relation to sanitary provisions ; the description of .the

importance attached to study and culture, and the
objects~with whichrthey-ftrer pursue^ jw16 account given
of theirTfcnnsstic^fe^^ISeVit may be observed, realized
by More in his own household ; and~the~illulstration
generally of a pblilyTn^vKich the true ends and aims
of legislation and government, as well as the mutual
happiness of all classes of citizens, had been attained.

To inquire-hew-far liore was in earnest, or rather
where he is in earnest, and where he is jesting in his
Komance, is not altogether an idle question. Erasmus
tells us, that even members of More's own family were
sometimes puzzled to gather from his look or tone,
whether he was speaking seriously, or whether he was
joking. Like Socrates he moved in an atmosphere of
irony. But no one whois™ aeu_uamted__with More's
character and with the circumstances under which the
work was written can doubt that, however much
licence he may have allowed himself in giving the
reins to his humour, his purpose was essentially a
serious one. Perhaps the question could not be put
better than it has been put by Sir James Mackintosh :

'The true notion of Utopia is, that it intimates
a variety of doctrines, and exhibits a multiplicity of
projects which the writer regards with almost every
possible degree of approbation and shade of absent :
. from the frontiers of serious and entire belief, through
gradations of descending plausibility, where the lowest
are scarcely more than the^exercises of ingenuity, and
to which some wild paradoxes are appended, either
as a vehicle, or as an easy means (if necessaty) of dis
avowing the serious intention of the whole of this
Platonic fiction.' — Life of More, 'Miscellaneous Works,'
Vol. I. p. 4-3- .^i '\

\ A'v^'-

*V* -«-u * ~

.

EARLY EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS xlix

And side by side with this may be placed the
remarks of Brewer :

' Though the Utopia was not to be literally followed

was no more than an abstraction at which no one
would have laughed more heartily than More himself,
if interpreted too strictly — Utopia might serve to show
a corrupt Christendom \\^ialL_g2odcouW^b^_effected
by^Jth^jQjitimd^mstin^

dictates ofnaturar prudence and justice. If kings
could never be elective in Europe, Utopia might show
the advantage to a nation where kingswere responsible
to someotherjwill than their ownT jTTproperty could
never Tbe common,. Utopia might teach men how great
was the benefit to society, when the state regarded
itself as created for the wellbeing of all, and not of
a class or a favoured few. Literally, property could
never be common except in Utopia ; but it might be
so in effect in Christian communities when capital
and property were more widely diffused, when the
enormous disproportion between the poor and the
rich, the noble and the serf, was modified by social
improvements, and the statute-book disencumbered of
obsolete and unintelligible Acts, too often put in force
to catch the unwary, and made an instrument of
oppression by the crown lawyers.' — Reign of Henry
VIII, Vol. II. pp. 290-1.

Indeed the student of the Utopia could not be
admonished better than by the words of Chaucer's
Nun's Priest :

' Taketh the fruyt and let the chaf be stille.'

i

.

VI. EARLY EDITIONS AND THE

TRANSLATIONS

THE first edition of the Utopia, in Latin, was printed
at Louvain by Thierry Martin, towards the end of

1 INTKODUCTION

1516. To it was prefixed the letter of Peter Giles
to Busleyden, dated Nov. I, 1516 ; a letter of loannes
Paludanus Cassiletensis to Peter Giles, with a set of
ten elegiac verses, both of which were suppressed in
the edition of 1518 ; some Latin verses by Gerardus
Noviomagus and Cornelius Grapheus ; the letter of
Busleyden to More ; and More's prefatory letter to
Peter Giles ; together with a representation of the
Utopian alphabet, and a metre of four verses in the
Utopian language. A second edition was printed by
Gilles de Gourmont, at Paris, about the end of 1517.
To it were added a letter addressed by Bude to Lupset
acknowledging a presentation copy of the first edition,
and expressing the delight with which he had read the
work, and a second letter of More to Giles. This had
been hurried out prematurely, without any corrections
of the author, from Bude's wish to popularize the work
by a smaller and more handy edition. Then appeared,
in 1518, in two issues, one in March and another in
November, the third edition, printed by Froben at Basle,
embodying More's corrections. In 1519 the work was
issued from the Juntine Press at Venice, and in the
following year it is said to have been reprinted in
quarto at Basle. This was, so far as is known, the last
edition published in More's lifetime.

Of the translations Kalph Eobynson's was the first,
and it was published by Abraham Vele, at the sign of
the 'Lambe' in St. Paul's Churchyard, in 1551, with
a dedication to Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh. The
letter of More to Peter Giles is all of the preliminary
matter which he translated. But in 1556 appeared a
second edition, carefully corrected and with many
alterations, omitting the dedication to Cecil, but

EAKLY EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS li

adding versions of Giles's letter to Busleyden, and
the 'meter of iiij verses.' A third edition appeared
in 1597, and a fourth in 1624. Since then it has been
reprinted several times — by Dibdin, in 1808; by Pro
fessor Arber, in 1869 ; by Dr. Lumby, in 1879 ; by
Robert Roberts, at Boston, in 1887 ; and by William
Morris, at the Kelmscott Press, in 1893. All these are
reprints of the second edition, Dr. Lupton being the
first to reprint the editio priticcps.

Till 1684 Robynson's was the only English version,
but in that year appeared a new translation by the
celebrated Gilbert Burnet, afterwards Bishop of Salis
bury. It is closer to the Latin and more accurate than
Robynson's, but it has not the charm of Robynson's racy
and picturesque English. A work so characteristic of the
English Renaissance finds much more appropriate ex
pression in the diction and tone of that time, and what
it loses in exact scholarship — though Burnet himself is
by no means impeccable — it gains in affinity. The ver
sion of Arthur Cayly, which appeared in 1808, though
it purported to be a new one, merely modified Burnet.

Of Ralph Robynson very little is known. He was
born in Lincolnshire, in 1521, and received his early
education at the Grantham and Stamfoi'd grammar
schools, and was at both a schoolfellow of William
Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh. He entered Corpus
Christi College, Oxford, in 1536, at the age of fifteen,
of which College he became, in June 1542, a Fellow.
Leaving Oxford, he settled in London, where he obtained
the livery of the Goldsmiths' Company, and some em
ployment in the service of Cecil. He came of a
numerous and poor family, whose difficulties appear to
have hampered him, and two appeals to Cecil for assist-

Hi INTRODUCTION

ance are extant ; but whether he responded to them
does not appear. The withdrawal of the dedicatory
epistle to his old schoolfellow from the second edition
of his translation seems significant. That he was alive,
and in poverty, in 1572 is certain from Cecil's endorse
ment to his second appeal ; but beyond that nothing
more of him is known.

Eobynson's version of the Utopia is an excellent
specimen of that style of translation which found its
expression not in the simple and musical English
of the versions of the Bible, but of that style of
expression which was afterwards adopted in the
Tudor versions of the Greek and Eoman Classics, the
characteristic excellences of which are vigour and
dignity, the characteristic defects, diffuseness and
cumbrousness. He had by no means an easy task with
his original, for More's Latin is often very involved
and sometimes obscure. As a translator, though he
is occasionally guilty of strange lapses, he is, as a rule,
fairly trustworthy, and seldom fails to give the general
sense correctly ; at times indeed he is exceedingly
felicitous, improving the original. His chief fault lies
in his diffuseness and in an over-done accumulation
of synonyms, which however has, at least sometimes,
a not unpleasing effect. In addition to its delightful
quaintness, its raciness, picturesqueness and vigour,
the version is an important monument of the English
of the first part of the sixteenth century.

It has not been thought necessary to print and anno
tate the preliminary matter in the Utopia ; but, as Peter
Giles's letter to Busleyden, and More's to Peter Giles,
may almost be regarded as a part of the machinery of
the fiction, they have been printed in an Appendix.

f

%

c Clje fprste

fccj&e of tfje communpca

cion of Eaphaell hythlodaye concer-
nynge the best state of a commen

wealthe. 6

Tne moste vyctorvfus and tryumphante Kvnge of
Englande, Henry theight of that name, in all royal
vertues Prince moste peerlesse, hadde of late in contra-
uersie with, the right hyghe and myghtie king of Castell
weightye matters, and of greate importaunce ; for the 10
debatement and final determination wherof the kinges
Maieste sent me Ambassadour into flaunders, ioined in
commission with cuthebert Tunstall, a/man doubteles
owte of comparison, and whom the kinges maiestie of
late, to the greate reioysyng of all men, did preferre to 15
the office of maister of the Eolles. But of thys mans
prayses I will saye nothynge ; not bycause I do feare
that small credence shalbe geuen to the testymony that
commyth owt of a frindes mouthe, but bicause hys
vertue and lernyng be greater and of more excellencye, 20
than that I am able to prayse them ; and also in all
places so famous, and so perfectlye well knowne, that
they nede not nor ought not of me to be praysed, onles
I wolde seme to shew and set furth the brightenes of
the sonne wyth a candell, as the Prouerbe sayth. 25

There met vs at Bruges (for thus yt was before
agreed) they whome theire prince hadde for that matter
appoynted commyssyoners, excellente men all. The
chiefe and the head of them was the Marcgraue (as
they cal him) of Bruges, a right honorable man : but 30
the wisest and the best spoken of them was George

2 T.^E FYESTE BOKE

Temsice, prouoste of Casselles ; a man not onlye by
lernyng but also by nature of singuler eloquence, and
in the lawes profoundelye lerned ; but in reasonynge,
and debatynge of matters, what by his naturall witte,
and what by daylye exercise, suerlye he hadde fewe 5
fellowes. After that we hadde ones or twise mette,
and vpon certeyne poyntes or artycles could not fully
and throughlye agre ; they for a certeyne space toke
their leaue of vs, and departed to Bruxelle, there to
knowe theire princes pleasure. I in the meane tyme 10
(for so my busynes laye) wente streyghte thens to
Antwerpe.

Whyles I was there abydinge, often tymes amonge
other, but whyche to me was more welcome then
annye other, dyd vysite me one Peter Gyles, a Citisien 15
of Antwerpe ; a man there in hys contrey of honest
reputatyon, and also preferred to hyghe promotyons,
worthye truelye of the highest. For it is harde to
saye whether the yong man be in lernynge or in
honestye more excellent. For he is bothe of wonder- 20
full vertuous condytyons, and also singulerlye well
lerned, and towardes all sortes of people excedynge
gentyl ; but towardes hys fryndes so kynde harted, so
louynge, so faythfull, so trustye, and of so earneste
affectyon, that yt were verye harde in any place to 23
fynd a man, that wyth hym in all poyntes of frend-
shyppe maye be compared. No man can be more
lowlye or courteys. No man vsithe lesse symulatyon
or dyssymulatyon ; in no man ys more prudente sym-
plycytye. Besydes this, he is in his talke and com- 3(
munycatyon so merye and pleasaunte, yea, and that
wythout harme, that, throughe hys gentyll intertayne-
ment and hys swete and delectable communycatyon,
in me was greatlye abated and dymynyshed the feruent
desyre that I hadde to see my natyue contreye, my a
wyffe and my chyldren ; whome then I dyd muche
longe and couett to see, bicause that at that tyme
I hadde byn more then .iiii. monythes from them.

OF UTOPIA 3

Upon a certeyne daye when I hadde herde the deuyne
seruyce in our ladies churche, whyche is the fayrest,
the inoste gorgious and curyous churche of buyldynge
in all the eytye, and also moste frequented of people,
and the seruice beynge done, was readye to goo 5
home to my lodgyng, I chaunced to espie thys forsayde
Peter talkynge wyth a certeyne straunger, a man well
stryken in age, wyth a blake sonne burned face, a longe
bearde, and a cloke caste homely aboute hys shoulders ;
whom by hys fauour and apparrel forthwythe I iudged 10
to be a maryner. But when thys Peter sawe me, he
cummythe to me and saluteth me. And as I was
abowte to answere hym : ' see you thys man ? ' sayeth
he (and thervvyth he poynted to the man that I sawe
hym talkynge wyth before). 'I was mynded,' quod 15
he, 'to brynge hym streyghte home to you.' 'He
should haue bene verye welcome to me,' sayd I, 'for
your sake.' 'Naye' (quod he) 'for hys owne sake, if
you knewe hym ; for there ys no man this daye
lyuynge that can tell you of so manye strange and 20
vnknowne peoples and contreis as this man can. And
I know well that you be verye desyrous to heare of
suche newes.' ' Than I coniectured not farre a mysse'
(quod I) ' for euen at the fyrste syghte I iudged hym
to be a maryner.' ' Naye ' (quod he) ' there ye were 25
greatlye deceaued. He hayth sayled indede, not as
the maryner Palynure, but as the experte and prudent
prince Ulisses ; yea, rather as the auncyent and sage
Philosopher Plato.

'For thys same Eaphaell Hythlodaye (for thys ys 30
hys name) is verye well lerned in the Latyne tonge ;
but profounde and excellent in the greke tonge, wherein
he euer bestowed more studye than in the lattyne,
because he had geuen hym selfe holye to the studye of
Phylosophy. Wherof he knewe that there ys nothynge 35
extante in the lattyne tonge, that is to anny purpose,
sauynge a few of Senecaes and Ciceroes doinges. His
patrymonye that he was borne vnto he lefte to his
B -2

4 THE FYESTE BOKE

bretherne (for he is a Portugalle borne) ; and for the
desyre that he hadde to see and knowe the farre
contreys of the worlde, he joyned him selfe in com-
panye wyth Amerike vespuce, and in the .iii. laste
voyages of thoes .iiii., that be no we in prynte and 5
abrode in euerye mans handes, he contynued styll in
hys companye ; sauynge that in the laste voyage
he came not home again wyth hym. For he made
suche meanes and shyfte, what by intreataunce and
what by importune sute, that he gotte lycence of 10
mayster Amerycke (thoughe it were sore agaynst his
will) to be one of the .xxiiii. whyche in the ende of
the last voyage were lefte in the contrye of Gulike.
He was therfore lefte behynde for hys mindes sake, as
one that toke more thoughte and care for trauaylyng 15
then dyinge ; hauynge customablye in hys mouthe
theis sayinges : He that hathe no graue ys couered
wyth the skie ; and, The way to heauen owte of all
places is of like lenghth and distance. Which fantasye
of his (if God had not bene his better frende) he hadde 20
suerlye bought full deere.

' But after the departynge of Mayster vespuce, when
he hadde trauayled thoroughe and abowte manye con-
treis, with v. of his companyons Gulykyans, at the
laste by maruelous chaunce he arryued in Taprobane. 25
from whens he wente to Calyquit, where he chaunced
to fynde certeyne of hys contrey shyppes, wherin he
retorned again into hys countreye, nothynge lesse then
lokyd for.'

All thys when Peter hadde tolde me, I thankyd hym 30
for his gentyll kyndnes, that he hadde vouchesaufed to
brynge me to the speche of that man, whose communica
tion he thought sholde be to me pleasaunte and accept
able. And there wyth I turned me to Kaphaell ; and
when we hadde haylsede thone thother, and hadde 35
spoken thies comen wordes, that be customably spoken
at the fyrste metynge and acquentaunce of straungers,
we wente thens to my house, and there in my gardeyne,

OF UTOPIA 5

vpon a benche coueryd wyth grene torues, we satte
downe talking togethers.

There he tolde vs howe that, after the departynge
of vespuce, he and hys fellowes, that tarryed behynde
in Gulyke, beganne by lytle and lytle, thoroughe fay re 5
and gentle speche, to winne the loue and fauour of
the people of that contreye ; in so muche that within
shorte space, theye dydde dwell amonges them not
onlye harmelese, but also occupyed wyth them verye
famylyerly. He tolde vs also that they were in hyghe 10
reputatyon and fauoure wyth a certeyne greate man
(whose name and contreye ys nowe.quyte owte of my
remembraunce), which of hys 'mere lyberalytye dyd
beare the costes and charges of hym and his fyue com
panions, and besydes that gaue them a trustye guyde, 15
to conducte them in theyre iorney (whyche by water
was in botys and by lande in wagains), and to bring
them to other princes withe verye frindlye commenda-
tyons. Thus after manye dayes iourneis, he sayd they
found townys and cytyes, and weale publyques full of 20
people, gouerned by good and holsom lawes.

For vnder the lyne equynoctyall and of bothe sydes
of the same, as farre as the sonne doth extend hys
course, lyeth (quod he) greate and wyde desertes and
wyldernesses, parched, burned and dryed vppe with 25
continuall and intolerable heate. All thynges be
hydeous, terryble, lothesome, and vnpleasaunte to be
holde ; all thynges owte of fasshyon and corny lynes,
inhabyted wyth wylde beastes and serpentes, or at
the leaste wyse wyth people that be no lesse sauage, 30
wylde, and noysome then the verye beastes themselfes
be. But a lytle farther beyonde that all thynges begyn
by lytle and lytle to waxe pleasaunte ; the ayre softe,
temperate, and gentle ; the ground couered wyth grene
grasse ; less wildnes in the beastes. At the laste shall 35
ye come again to people, cities, and townes, wherin is
contynuall entercourse and occupyinge of marchandyse
and chaffare, not onelye amonge them selfes and wyth

6 THE FYRSTE BOKE

theyre borderers, but also wyth marchauntes of farre
contreys bothe by lande and water.

'Ther I had occasion' (sayde he), 'to go to manye
contreys of euery syde. For there \vas no shyppe
reddye to anye voyage or iorney, but I and my fellowes 5
were into it verye gladlye receauyde. The shyppes
that they founde fyrste were made playne, flatte, and
broade in the botome, troughevvyse. The sayles were
made of greate russhes, or of wyckers, and in some
places of lether. Afterwarde they founde shyppes 10
wyth rydged kyeles, and sayles of canuas ; yea, and
shortelye after hauynge all thynges lyke owers ; the
shyppemen also verye experte and connynge both in
the sea and in the wether.' ,

But he sayde that he founde greate fauour and 15
fryndeshyppe amonge them for teachynge them the
feate and vse of the lode stone, whych to them before
that tyme was vnknowne ; and therefore they were
wonte to be verye tymerous and fearefull vpon the
sea, nor to venter vpon it but onlye in the somer time. 20
But nowe they haue such a confidence in that stone,
that they feare not stormy wyuter ; in so doynge,
ferther frome care then ieopardye. In so muche
that it is greatlye to be doubtyd, leste that thynge,
thoroughe theyre owne folyshe hardynes, shall tourne 25
them to euyll and harme, whyche at the fyrste was
supposyde shoulde be to them good and commodyous.

But what he tolde vs that he sawe, in eueiye contrey
wheare he came, it were verye longe to declare. Nother
it is my purpose at this time to make rehersall therof. 30
But peraduenture in an other place, I wyll speake of
yt ; chyefelye suche thynges as shalbe profytable to be
knowne ; as in specyall be thoese decrees and ordi-
naunces that he marked to be well and wyselye pro-
uyded and enacted amonge suche peoples as do lyue 35
to gethere in a cyuyle pollycye and good ordre. For of
suche thynges dyd we busilie enquyre and demaunde
of hym, and he lyke wise verye wyllynglye tolde vs

OF UTOPIA 7

of the same. But as for monsters, because they be
no newes, of them \ve were nothynge inquysitiue.
For nothynge is more easye to be founde, then be
barking Scyllaes, rauenyng Celenes, and Lestrygones
deuowerers of people, and suche lyke greate and vn- 5
credyble monsters; but to fynde cytyzyns ruled by 1
good and noisome lawes, that ys an excedynge rare I
and harde thynge.

But as he markyd manye fonde and folyshe lawes ;
in thoose newe founde lands, so he rehersyde manye 10',
actes and constytutyons wherby thies our cytyes,
nations, contreys, and Kyngdomes maye take en-
sample, to amende theyre faultes, enormytyes and
errors ; wherof in another place, as I sayde, I wyll
intreate. Now at thys tyme I am determyned to 15
reherse onlye that he tolde vs of the maners, customes,
lawes, and ordinaunces of the vtopians. But fyrste
I wyll repete our former communycatyon ; by thocca-
syon, and, as I myghte saye, the dryfte wherof he
was browghte into the mentyon of that weale publyque. 20

For when Raphaell hadde verye prudently touched
dyuers thynges that be amysse, sume here and sume
there ; yea, verye manye of bothe partes ; and agayne
hadde spoken of suche wyse and prudent lawes and
decrees as be establyshed and vsyde bothe here amonge 25
vs and also there emonge them ; as a man so connynge
and expert© in the lawes and customes of euery seueral
countreye, as though into what place soeuer he came
geaste wyse, there he had lede al his life : then
Peter, much meruellyng at the man : ' Surely mayster 30
Raphaell' (quod he), 'I wondere greatlye whie you
gette you not into some Kinges courte; for I am
sewre there is no prynce lyuynge that wolde not
be very gladde of yowe ; as a man not onlye able
hyghelye to delyte hym wyth youre profounde lern- 35
ynge, and thys youre knowledge of contreis and
peoples, but also are meat to instructe him with
examples, and helpe hym wyth counsell. And thus

8 THE FYESTE BOKE

doynge yowe shal bring yowre selfe in a verye good
case, and also be in habylytye to helpe all youre
frindes and kynsfolke.'

' As concernyng my fryndes and kynsfolke ' (quod
he), ' I passe not greatly for them : for I think I haue 5
suffycyentlye done my parte towardes them all readye.
For thies thinges that other men doo not depart from
vntyll they be olde and sicke. yea, which they be then
verye lothe to leaue when they can no lenger kepe,
those verye same thynges dyd I, beynge not onlye 10
lustye and in good helth, but also in the flowere of
my youthe, deuyde among my fryndes and kynsfolkes ;
which I think wyth thys my liberalytye owghte to
holde them contentyd, and not to requyre nor to looke
that besydes thys I shoulde for theyre sakes gyue my 15
selfe in bondage to kynges.'

' Naye god forbedde' (quod peter), 'it is not my
mynd that you shoulde be in bondage to kynges, but
as a retaynoure to them at youre pleasure ; whyche
sewrelye I thynke ys the nygheste waye that you can 20
deuyse, howe to bestowe youre tyme frutefullye, not
onlye for the pryuate commoditye of your fryndes and
for the general proffytte of all sortes of people, but
also for the auauncemente of your selfe to a muche
welthier state and condytyon then you be nowe in.' 25

' To a welthyer condition ' (quod Raphael), ' by that
meanes that my mynde standethe cleane agaynst?
Nowe I lyue at lybertye, after myn owne mynde and
pleasure ; whiche I thynke verye fewe of thes greate
states and peeres of realmes can saye. Yea, and there 30
be ynowe of them that sike for greate mens frinde-
shippes ; and therfore thynke it no great hurte, if they
haue not me, nor .ii. or .iii. suche other as I am.'

' Well, I perceyue plainlye, frind Raphaell ' (quod I),
' that yowe be desierous nother of riches nor of powre. 35
And truly I haue in no lesse reuerence and estimacyon
a man that is of your mind, then anny of them al that
be so high in pour and aucthoritie. But you shall

OF UTOPIA 9

doo as it becommith yow, yea, and accordinge to this
wisedome and thys highe and free couraghe of youres,
yf yo\ve can fynde in youre harte so to appoynte and
dyspose your selfe, that you maie apply your wytte
and delygence to the proffyt of the \veale publyque, 5
though it be sume what to youre owne payne and
hyndraunce. And thys shall yow neuer so well doo,
nor wyth so greate proffitte perfourme, as yf yowe be
of sum great prynces councell. and put into his heade
(as I doubte not but you wyll) honeste opynyons, and 10
vertuous persuasyons. For from the prynce, as from
a perpetuall well sprynge, cummythe amonge the
people the floode of all that is good or euell. But
in yowe is so perfitte lernynge, that wythowte anye
experience ; and agayne so greate expeiyence, that 15
wythoute anye lernynge ; yowe maye well be anny
kinges councellour.'

' Yow be twyse deceaued, maister More ' (quod hej,
'fyrste in me, and agayne in the thing it selfe. For
nother is in me that habilitye that yowe force vpon'
me ; and yf it were neuer so muche, yet in dysquieting
myne owne quietnes I should nothing further the
weale publique. For, fyrst of all, the moste parte of
all princes haue more delyte in warlike matters and
feates of cheualrie (the knowlege wherof I nother 25
haue nor desire), than in the good feates of peace ;
and employe muche more study howe by right or by
wrong to enlarge their dominions, than howe well and
peaceablie to rule and gouerne that they haue all redie.
Moreouer, they that be counsellours to kinges, euery 30
one of them eyther is of him selfe so wyse in dede,
that he nede not, or elles he thinketh him self so
wise, that he will not allowe an other mans councell ;
sauing that they do shamefully and flatteringly geue
assent to the fond and folishe sayinges of certeyn 35
greate men, whose fauours. bicause they be in high
aucthoritie with their prince, by assentacion and
nattering they labor to opteyne. And verily it is

10 THE FYKSTE BOKE

naturally geuen to all men to esteame their owne
inuentyons best. So both the rauen and the ape
thincke their owne yong ones fayrest.

'Than if a man in such a company, where some
disdayne and haue despite at other mens inuentions ; 5
and some cownte their owne best ; if among suche
men, I saye, a man shoulde bringe furth any thinge
that he hayth redde done in tymes paste, or that he
hathe sene done in other places, there the hearers fare
as thoughe the hole existimacion of theyr wisdome 10
were in ieopardy to be ouerthrowen, and that euer
after they should be counted for very diserdes, onles
they colde in other mens inuentions pycke out matter
to reprehende and find fawt at. If all other pore
helpesfaile, then this is their extreame refuge: " Thies 15
thmges" (say they) "pleased oure forefathers and
auncetours : wolde god wee coulde be so wise as they
were." And as though they had wittely concluded
the matter, and with this answere stoppid euery mans
mouthe, they sitt downe agayn. As who should saye 20
it were a very daungerous matter, if a man in any
pointe should be founde wiser then his forefathers
were. And yet be we content to suffer the best and
wittiest of their decrees to lye vnexecuted ; but if in
any thinge a better ordre mighte haue bene taken, 25
than by them was, theare we take faste holde, and
finde many fawtes. Many times haue I chaunced
vpon suche prowde, lewde, ouerthwarte, and way-
warde Judgementes ; yea, and ones in Englande.'

'I praye yow, Syre' (quod I), 'haue yow bene in 30
owr contrey ? ' ' Yea forsothe ' (quod he), ' and their
I tarried for the space of iiii. or v. monythes together,
not longe after the insurreccion, that the westerne
Englishe men made agaynst their kynge ; whych by
their owne myserable and pitefull slaughter was sup- 35
pressed and endyd. In the meane season I was much
bounde and beholden to the righte reuerende father
Jhon Morton. Archebishop, and cardenall of Canter-

OF UTOPIA 11

burye, and at that tyme also Lord chauncellour of
England ; a man. niaister Peter (for rnjvistejL.. More_
knoweth all reddy that I wyll saye), not more honor
able for his aucthority, then for his prudence and
vertue. He was of a ineane stature, and though 5
streken in age yet bare he his body vpryght. In
his face did shine such an amiable reuerence, as was
pleasaunte to beholde. Gentell in communycatyon,
yet earneste and sage. He had greate delyte manye
tymes wyth roughe speche to hys sewters to proue, 10
but wythowte harme, what prompte wytte and what
bolde sprite were in euery man. In the which, as in
a vertue much agreinge with his nature, so that there-
wyth were not ioyned impudency, he toke greate
delectatyon ; and the same person, as apte and mete 15
to haue an administratyon in the weale publique, he
dyd louingly enbrace. In hys speche he was fyne,
eloquent, and pythye. In the lawe he had profounde
knowledge ; in witte he was incomparable ; and in
memory wonderfull excellent. Thies qualytyes, whych 20
in hym were by nature synguler, he by learnynge and
vse had made perfytte.

'The Kynge putt muche truste in hys councell: the
weale publyque also in a maner leaned vnto hym, when
I was there. For euen in the chiefe of hys youth he 25
was taken from schole into the Courte, and there passyd
all hys tyme in muche trouble and busynes, and was
contynually tumbled and tossed in the waues of dyuers
mysfortunes and aduersytyes. And so by many and
greate daungers he lerned the experience of the worlcle, 30
whyche so beynge learned can not easely be forgotten.

' It chaunced on a certayne daye, when I sate at hys
table, there was also a certayne laye man, cunnynge in
the lawes of yowre Eealme. "Whyche, I can not tel
wherof takyng occasyon, began dyligently and busily 35
to prayse that strayte and rygorous iustice, which at
that tyme was there executed upon fellones, who, as
he sayde, were for the moste part .xx. hanged together

12 THE FYKSTE BOKE

vpon one gallowes. And, seyng so fewe escapyd
punyshement, he sayd he coulde not chewse but
greatly wonder and maruell, howe and by what euill
lucke it should so cum to passe, that theues neuer-
theles were in euery place so ryffe and ranke. " Naye, 5
Syr," quod I (for I durst boldely speake my mind
before the Cardynall), "maruell nothing herat ; for
thys punyshement of theues passeth the limites (of)
Justyce, and is also very hurtefull to the weale pub-
lyque. For it is to extreame and crewell a punishe- 10
ment for thefte, and yet not sufficient to refrayne men
from thefte. For simple thefte is not so greate an
offence, that it owght to be punished with death.
Nother there is any punishmente so horrible, that it
can kepe them from stealynge whych haue no other 15
crafte wherby to get their liuing. Therefore in this
poynte, not yow only, but also the moste part of the
worlde, be lyke euyll scholemasters, whych be readyare
to beate then to teache their scholers. For great and
horryble punyshementes be appoynted for theues ; 20
whereas muche rather prouysyon should haue bene
made, that there were some meanes wherby they
might gett theyr lyuynge, so that no man should be
dreuen to thys extreame necessitie, fyrst to steale, and
then to dye." "Yes" (quod he), "this matter is well 25
ynoughe prouyded for all ready. There be handy
craftes, there is husbandry, to gett their liuinge by,
if they wolde not wyllingely be nowght." "Nay"
(quod I), " you shall not skape so ; for, fyrste of all,
I wyll speake nothynge of them that come home owte 30
of warre maymede and lame, as not longe ago owte of
blacke heath filde, and a lityll before that owt of the
warres in Fraunce : suche (I say) as put their lyues in
ieopardy for the weale publiques or the kinges sake,
and by the reason of weakenes and lamenes be not able 35
to occupy their olde craftes, and be to aged to lerne
newer of them I wyll speake nothinge, because
warre lyke the tyde ebbeth and floweth. But let vs

OF UTOPIA 13

consydere those thinges that chaunce dayly before our
eyes.

< " Fyrste, there is a great number of gentilmen,
which can not be content to lyue ydle them selfes,
like dorres, of that whiche other haue laboryd for : 5
their tenaun.tes I meane, whom they polle and shaue
to the quycke by rfiy-sittg theirrentes (for this only
poynte of frugalitye do theyvseTTtten els thorougho
their lauasse and prodigall spendynge able to bringe
them selfes' to veiy beggery) : thies gentilmen (I say) 10
do not only liue in ydilnes them selfes, but also carry
about with them at their tayles a greate flocke or
trayne of ydell and loytrynge seruynge men, whyche
neuer learned any crafte wherby to get their liuinges.
Thies men, as sone as theyr mayster is dead, or be 15
sicke them selfes, be incontinent thruste owte of
doores. For gentlemen had rather kepe ydil persones
then sycke men ; and many times the dead mans heyr
is not able to mainteyne so great a howse, and kepe so
many seruinge men, as his father dydde. Then in the 20
meane season they that be thus destytute of seruice
other starue for honger, or manfully pi aye the theaues. "
For what wolde yow haue them to do ? When they
haue wandred abrode so longe, untyll they haue worne
threde bare their apparell, and also appayred their 25
health, then gentlemen, because of their pale and sicke
faces and patched cotes, wyll not take them into
seruyce. And husbandmen dare not sett them a
worke, knowyng well ynough that he is nothynge
mete to doo trewe and faythfull seruice to a poore 30
man wyth a spade and a mattoke, for small wages
and harde fare, whyche, beynge deyntely and tenderly
pampered vp in ydilnes and pleasure, was wont with
a sworde and a buckeler by hys syde to iette through
the strete with a bragging looke, and to thynke hym 35
selfe to good to be any mans mate."

' " Naye by saynt Marie, ser " (quod the lawier) "not
so, for this kinde of men muste we make most of. For

14 THE FYESTE BOKE

in them, as men of stowter stomackes, bolder spyrytes,
and manly er cur rages, then handy craftes men and
plowe men be, doth consyste the hole powre, strengthe,
and puisaunce of oure hoste, when we muste fight in
battaill." 5

'"Forsothe, ser, aswel yowe myghte saye " (quod I)
"that for warres sake you must cheryshe theues. For
sewerly yow shal neuer lacke theues whyles yowe
haue them. No, nor theues be not the most false
and faynt harted soldiers, nor souldiours be not the 10
cowardliste theues : so well thees .ii. craftes agree
together. But this fawte, though it be muche vsed
among yow, yet is it not peculiar to yow only, but
commen also almost to all natyons. Yet Fraunce,
besydes thys, is troubled and infected wyth a muche 15
sorer plage. fThe hole realme is fylled and besieged
wyth hierede soldiours in peace tyme, yf that be
peace j whyche be brought in under the same coloure
and pretence, that haith persuaded yow to kype thies
ydell seruynge men. For thies wisefooles and very 20
archedoltes thought the wealth of the hole contrey
herin to consist, yf there were euer in a readynes
a stronge and a sewer garrison, specyallye of olde
practysed soldyours ; for they put no truste at all in
men vnexercysed. And therfore they must be .fayne 25
to seke for warre, to" thende they maye euer haue
practysed souldyours and cunnynge mansleers ; leaste
that (as it is pretilie sayde of Saluste) their handes and
their myndes thoroughe ydylnes or lacke of exercyse
shoulde waxe dull. 30

' " But howe pernycyous and pestylente a thynge it
is to maynteyne suche beastes, the Frenche men by
there owiie harmes haue learned ; and the examples
of flhe Komaynes, Carthaginiens, Siriens and of many
other contreys, do manyfestly declare. For not only 33
the empire, but also the fieldys and cityes of all thies,
by diuers occasyons haue bene ouerrunned and destroyed
of their owne armies before hand had in a reddines.

OF UTOPIA 15

Now how vnnecessary a thynge thys is, hereby it maye
appere : that the Frenche souldiours, whyche from
their youthe haue byne practysed and inured in feates
of armes, doo not cracke nor auaunce them selfes to
haue verye often gotte the vpper-hande and masterye 5
of your newe made and vnpractysed souldiours. But
in thys poynte I wyll not vse manye wordes, leaste
perchaunce I maye seme to natter yow. No nor
those same handy craft men of yours in cities, nor yet
the rude and vplandishe ploughemen of the contrey, 10
are not supposed to be greatly affraid of your gentilmens
ydill seruing men, onles it be suche as be not of body
or stature correspondent to theyr strenghte and currage;
orels whose bolde stomackes be dyscourraged thoroughe
pouertye. Thus yowe maye see, that yt ys not to be 15
feared leaste they shoulde be effemynatede yf they
were broughte vppe in good craftes and laborsome
wourkes, whereby to gett theyre lyuynge ; whose stowte
and sturdye bodyes (for gentlemen vouchesauffe to cor-
rupte and spill none but picked and chosen men) nowe, 20
other by reason of rest and ydilnes, be brought to
weakenes, orels by to easy and womanlye exercises be
made feble and vnable to endure hardenes. Trewly
howe soeuer the case stondeth, thys me thinketh is
nothyng avayleable to the weale publique, for warre 25
sacke, whyche yowe neuer haue but when yow wyll
your selfes, to kepe and mainteyn an vrinumerable
flocke of that sort of men, that be so troblesome
and noyous in peace ; wherof yow owght to haue
a thowsande times more regard then of warre. 30

'"But yet this is not onlye the necessary cause
of stealing. There is an other which as I suppose
is proper and peculiare to yow Englishe men alone."
"What is that?" quod the Cardenall. "Forsoth"
(quod I), "your shepe, that were wont to be so 35
myke and tame, and so smal eaters, now, as I heare
raie, be become so greate deuowerers, and so wylde,
that they eate vp and swallow dowrn the very men

16 THE FYESTE BOKE

them selfes. They consume, destroy, and deuoure
hole fieldes, howses, and cities. For looke in what
partes of the realme doth growe the fynyst, and ther-
fore dearist woll, there noble men and gentlemen, yea,
and certeyn Abbottes, holy men god wote, not content- 5
ing them selfes with the yearely reuennues and pro-
fyttes that were wont to grow to theyr forefathers and
predecessours of their landes, nor beynge content that
they liue in rest and pleasure, nothyng profytyng, ye,
muche noyinge the weale publique, leaue no grounde 10
for tyllage ; they enclose all in pastures ; they throw
downe houses JTEey plucke downe townes ; and leaue
nothing atondynge but only the churche, to make of it
a shepehowse. And, as thoughe yow loste no small
quantity of grounde by forestes, chases, laundes, and 15
parkes ; those good holy men turne all dwellinge places
and all glebelande into desolation and wildernes.

'"Therfore, that one couetous and vnsatiable cor-
maraunte and verye plage of his natyue contrey may
compasse abowte and inclose many thousand acres of 20
grounde to gether within one pale or hedge, the
husbandmen be thrust owte of their owne ; orels
other by coiieyne or fraude, or by vyolent oppression,
they be put besydes it, or by wronges and iniuries
they be so weried that they be compelled to sell all. 2£
By one meanes therfore or by other, other by liowke -
or crpoke, they must nedes departe awaye, pore, sylie,
wretched soules ; men, women, husbandes, wyues,
fatherles chyldren, widdowes, wofull mothers with
their yonge babes, and their hole housholde smal in s(
substaunce, and much in nombre, as husband rie re-
quireth many handes. Awaye they trudge, I say, out
of their knowen and accustomed" 'howses, fyndyng no
places to rest in. All their housholde stuffe, whiche
is verye lytle worth, though it myght well abyde the 3;
sale, yet beyng sodeynelye thrust out, they be con-
strayned to sell it for a thyng of nought. And when
they haue, wanderynge about, sone spent that, what

OF UTOPIA 17

can they els do but steale, and then iustelye, God wote,
behanged, or els go about a beggyng ? And yet then
also they be cast in prison as. vagaboundes, because
they go about and worke not ; whom no man will set
a worke, though they neuer so willingly offer them 5
selfes therto. For one shepherde or heard man is /
ynough to eate vp that grounde with cattel, to tKe
occupying wherof about husbandrye many handes
were requysyte.

' " And this is also the cause that victualles be nowe 10
in many places dearer. Yea, besydes this the pryce of
wolle is so rysen that poore folkes, whiche were wont
to worke it and make cloth of it, be nowe able to bye
none at all. And by thys meanes verye manye be
fayne to forsake worke, and to gyue them selfes to 15
ydelnes. For after that so muche grounde was inclosed
for pasture, an infinite multitude of shepe died of the
rotte, suche vengaunce God toke of their inordinate
and vnsaciable couetuousnes, sendyng amonge the
shepe that pestiferous morreyn, which much more 20
iustely should haue fallen on the shepemasters owne
heades. And though the numbre of shepe increase
neuer so fast, yet the pryce falleth not one myte,
because there be so fewe sellers. Fqr_they_j3,e__aljnoste
all commen into a fewe riche mens handes, whome no 25
neade ~drmeth to sell before "theylust ; and they luste
not before they may sell as deare as they lust. Now
the same cause bryngeth in licke dearth of the other
kindes of cattell ; yea, and that so much the more,
bycause that after farmes pluckyd downe, and hus- 30
bandry decayed, ther is no man that passyth for the
breadyng of yonge stoore. For thees ryche men
brynge not vp the yonge ones of great.e cattell as they
do lambes. But first they bye them abrode very
chepe, and afterward, when they be fattede in their 35
pastures, they sell them agayne excedyng deare. And
therfor (as I~suppose) the hole incommoditie herof is
not yet felte. For yet they make dearth only in those

18 THE FYESTE BOKE

places where they sell. But when they shall fetche
them awaye from thens wheare they be bredde, faster
then they can be brought vp, then shall there also be
felte great dearth, when stoore begynnyth to fayle
their whear the ware ys bought. 5

'"Thus the vnreasonable couetousnes of a fewe
hath turned that thyng to the vtter vndoyng of your
Ilande, in the whiche thyng the chiefe felicitie of your
realme dyd consist. For this great dearth of victualles
causeth euery man to kepe as lytle houses and as 10
small hospitalitie as he possible maye, and to put
awaye their seruauntes : whether, I praye you, but
a beggynge ? or els, whiche thies gentle bloodis and
stoute stomakes wyll soner set theyr myndes vnto,
a stealinge? 15

' " Nowe, to amende the matters, to this wretched
beggerye and myserable pouertie is ioyned great
wantonnes, importunate superfluytie, and excessiue
ryote. For not only gentle mens seruauntes, but also
handy craft men, yea, and almoste the ploughemen 20
of the countrey, with all other sortes of people, vse
muche straunge and prowde newe fanglenes in. their
apparrell, and to muche~prodigal riotte and sumptuous
fare" at their table. Nowe bawdes, qweynes, hoores,
harlottes, strumpettes, brothelhouses, stewes, and yet 25
an other stewes, wine tauernes, ale houses, and tipling
houses, with so many noughty lewde and vnlawfull
games, as dice, cardes, tables tennyes, bolles, coytes,
do not al thys sende the haunters of them streyght
a stealynge when theyr money is gone ? 30

' " Caste out thies pernycious abomynacyons ; ma'ke
a lawe that they whyche plucked downe fermes and
townes of husbandrye, shall buylde them vp agayne
or els yelde and vprencler the possessyon of them to
suche as wyll goo to the coste of buyldynge them 35
anewe. Suffer not thies ryche men to bye vp all, to
ingrosse and forstalle, and »rith theyr monopolye to
kepe the market alone as please them. Let not so

OF UTOPIA 19

manye be brought vp in ydlenes ; lett husbandrye and
tyllage be restored agayne ; let clothe workynge be
renewed ; that there maye be honest labours for thys
ydell sorte to passe theyre tyme in profytablye,
whyche hytherto other pouertye hathe caused to be 5
theues, or elles nowe be other vagabondes, or ydell
seruynge men. and shortelye wylbe theues. Dowteles,
oneles yowe fynde a reinedye for thyes enormytyes,
yowe shall in vayne auuance your selies of executinge
iustice vpon fellones. For this iustice is more beauty- 10
full then iuste or profytable. For by sufferynge your
youthe wantonlye and viciouslye to be brought vp, and
to be infected euen from theyr tender age by lytle and
lytle wyth vyce ; than a goddes name to be punyshed,
when they commytte the same faultes after they be 15
commen to mannes state, whiche frorne ther youthe
they were euer lyke to doo : in thys pointe, I praye
yowe, what other thynge doo yowe, then make theues,
and then punyshe them ? "

' Nowe as I was thus speakynge, the Lawier beganne 20
to make hym selfe readye to aunswere, and was deter-
myned wyth hym selfe to vse the common fassyon
and trade of disputers, whyche be more dylygent in
rehersynge then aunswerynge, as thynking the memorye
worth ye of the chiefe prayse. "In dede syr" (quod he) 25
''yow haue sayd well, beinge but a straunger, and one
that myght rather here somme thynge of thyes matters,
then haue anye exacte or perfecte knowledge of the
same, as I will incontinent by open proffe make
manifest and playn. For firste I wyll reherse in 30
ordre all that yow haue sayde ; then I wyll declare
in what thynge yowe be deceaued, through lacke of
knowledge, in all our fassions, maners and customes ;
and laste of all I wyll aunswere to your argumentes,
and confute them euery one. Fyrste th erf ore I wyll 35
begynne where I promysed. Foure thynges yowe
semed to me" — "Hold your peace" (quod the Car-
dynall), "for by lyke yowe wyll make no shorte

C 2

20 THE FYRSTE BOKE

aunswere, whiclie make such a begynning ; wherfore
at thys tyme yowe shall not take the paynes to make
youre aunswere, but kepe it to youre nexte meatynge,
whiche I would be ryght gladde that it inyght be
euen to morrowe nexte (onles other yowe or mayster 5
Eaphaell haue any earnest lette).

' " But now, maister Kaphaell, I woulde very gladly
heare of yow, whie yow thynke thefte not worthy to
be punished with death : or what other punyshment
yow can deuyse more expedient to the weale publique. 10
For I am sewer yowe are not of that mynde, that
yowe woulde haue thefte escape vnpunyshed. For if
now the extreme punishment of death cannot cause
them to leaue stealynge, then if ruffians and rubbers
shoulde be sewer of their lyues, what violence, what 15
feare were able to holde their handes from robbynge,
whiche would take the mitigacion of the punishment
as a verye peruocation to the mischiefe ? "
. ' " Suerly my lorde " (quod I) " I thynke it no right
nor iustice that the losse of money should cause the 20
losse of mans lyfe. For myne opinion is that all the
goodes in the worlde are not able to counteruayle
mans lyfe. But if they wold thus say : that the
breaking of iustice, and the transgression of the lawes
is recompensed with this punishment, and not the 25
losse of the money ; then why maye not thys extreame
iustice wel be called extreme iniurie ? For neither so
cruel gouernaunce, so streyte rules, and vnmercyfull
lawes be allowable, that if a small offence be com-
mytted, by and by the sworde shoulde be drawen ; 30
nor so stoycall ordinaunces are to be borne wythall,
as to counte all offences of suche equalitie, that the
kyllynge of a man, or the takynge of hys money from
hym, were bothe a matter ; and the one no more
heynous offence then the other : betwene the whyche 35
two, yf we haue annye respecte to equitie, no symyly-
tude or equalytie consysteth. God commaundeth vs
that we shall not kyll. And be we then so hastie to

OF UTOPIA 21

kyll a man for takynge a lytle money? And yf annjTe
man woulde vnderstande kyllynge, by this com-
maundement of GOD, to bee forbydden after no larger
wyse then mans constitucions defyneth kyllynge to be
lawfull, then whye maye it not lykewyse, by mannes 5
constitutions, be determyned after what sorte hoore-
dome, fornication, and periurye maye be lawfull ? For
where as by the permission of GOD no man hatho
power to kyll nother hym selfe, nor yet annye other
man ; then yf a lawe made by the consente of men 10
concernynge slaughter of men oughte to be of suche
strengthe, force, and vertue, that they whyche con-
trarye to the commaundement of GOD haue kylled
those, whome thys constitucion of man commaunded
to be kylled, be cleane quyte and exempte owte of the 15
bondes and daunger of Goddes commaundemente ;
shall it not then by thys reason followe that the
powre of Goddes commaundement shall extende no
further then mannes lawe dothe defyneand permytte?
And so shall it come to passe, that in lyke manner 20
mans constitucions in al thynges shal determyne howe
farre the obseruation of all Goddes commaundementes
shall extende. To be shorte, Moy_ses lawe, thoughe it
were vngentle and sharpe, as a lawe tKafwas gyuen to
bondmen ; yea, and them verye obstinate, stubborne, 25
and styf necked ; yet it punnyshed thcfte by the purse,
and not wyth deathe. And let vs not thynke that
GOD in the newe lawe of clemencie and mercie, vnder
the whiche he ruleth vs with fatherlie gentlenesse, as
his dere chyldren, hath geuen vs greater scoupe and 30
license to execute crueltie one vpon an other.

' " Now ye haue hard the reasons, whereby I am
perswaded that this punishment is vnlawful. Further
more I thinke there is no body that knoweth not,
how vnreasonable, yea how pernitious a thynge it is to 25
the weale publique, that a thefe, and a homicide or
morderer, shuld suffer equall and lyke punyshment.
For the thefe, seing that man that is condempned for

22 THE FYKSTE BOKE

thefte in no lesse ieoperdie, nor iudged to no lesse
punishment, then hym that is conuict of manslaughter ;
through thys cogitacion onlye he is stronglye and
forcybly prouoked, and in a maner constreyned, to kyl
him, whom els he would haue but robbed. For, the 5
murder ones done, he is in lesse care, and in more
hope that the dede shall not be bewrayed or knowen,
seynge the partye is now deade and rydde out of the
waye, whyche onely myght haue vttered and disclosed
it. But if he chaunce to be taken and discriued, yet 10
he is in no more daunger and ieopardie then yf he had
commytted but single fellonye. Therfore whyles we
goo about wyth suche crueltye to make theues aferd,
we prouoke them to kyll good men.

'"Now as touchyng this question, what punysshe- 15
mente were more commodyous and better ; that trulye
in my judgement is easyer to be founde, than what
punysshement were wurse. For whie should we dowt
that to be a good and a profytable waye for the
punysshemente of offendours, whyche we knowe dydde 26
in tymes paste so longe please the Komaynes ; men in
thadmynystratyon of a weale publyque moste experte,
polytyque, and cunnyng? Such as amonge them
weare conuycte of great and heynous trespaces, them
they condempned into ston quarris, and in to jngiyfin£s 25
to dygge mettalle, there to be kepte in cheynes all the
dayes of theyr lyfe.

' " But as concernyng this matter, I allow the
ordenaunce of no nation so well as that I sawe
(whyles I trauayled a brode abowt the wordle) vsed 30
in Efiesja, amonge the people that commenlye be
called the polylerytes ; whose lande is bothe large
and ample, and also well and wyttelye gouerned ; and
the people in all conditions free and ruled by their
owne lawes, sauing that they paye a yerely tribute to 35
the great king of Persia. But bicause they be farre
from the sea, compassed and closed in almoste rounde
abowte wyth hygh mountaynes, and do content them

OF UTOPIA 23

selfes wyth the f rules of theyr owne lande, whyche
is of yt selfe verye fertyle and frutefull : for thys cause
nother they goo to other cowntreys, nor other comme
to them. And accordynge to the olde custome of the
lande, they desyre not to enlarge the bowndes of theyr 5
domynyons ; and those that they haue by reason of
the hyghe hylles be easelye defended ; and the trybute
whyche they paye to their chiefe lord and kinge set-
tethe them quyete and free from warfare. Thus theyre
lyffe ys commodyous rather then gallawnte, and maye 10
better be callede happye or luckye, then notable or
famous. For they be not knowne asmuche as by
name, I suppose, sauynge onlye to theyr nexte neygh-
bours and borderours.

' " They that in thys lande be attayntede and con- 15
uycte of felonye, make restitutyon of that they stoole
to the ryghte owner, and not (as they doo in other
landes]PE6 the Kynge ; whome they thynke to haue
no more ryghte to the thefe stolen thynge than the
thieffe himselfe hath. But if the thynge be loste or 20
made awaye, then the value of yt is paide of the
goodes of such offendours, whyche elles remayneth
all hole to theire wyffes and chyldrene. And they
them selfes be condempned to be common laborers ;
and, onles the thefte be verye heynous, they be nother 25
locked in pryson, nor fettered in gyues, but be vntyed
and goo at large, laborynge in the common workes.
They that refuse labour, or goo slowly and slacly to
there woorke, be not only tied in cheynes, but also
pricked forward with stripes. They that be diligent 30
about their woorke Hue without checke or rebuke.
Euery nyghte they be called in by name, and be
locked in theyr chambers. Besyde their dayly labour,
their lyffe is nothyng harde or incommodyous. Their
fare is indyfferent good, borne at the chardges of the 35
weale publyque, bycause they be commen seruauntes
to the commen wealth. But their charges in all places
of the land is not borne a lyke. For in some partes

24 THE FYRSTE BOKE

that is bestowed vpon them is gathered of almes.
And though that waye be vncerteyn, yet the people
be so full of mercye and pytie, that none is fownde
more profytable or plentyfull. In some places certeyn
landis be appoynted here vnto ; of the reuenewes 5
wherof they be mainteined. And in some places euery
man geuyth a certeyne trybute for the same vse and
purpose. Agayne in some partes of the lande thies
seruyng men (for so be thies damned persons called),
do no common worke ; but, as euery priuate man 10
nedeth laborours, so he cometh into the markette
place, and there hiereth some of them for meate and
drynke, and a certeyne limityd wayges by the daye,
sumwhat cheper then he shoulde hire a free man.
It is also lawfull for them to chastyce the slowth of 15
thies seruynge men wyth strypes.

' " By thys meanes they neuer lacke woorke ; and
besydes their meate and dryncke euery one of them
bryngeth dayly sum thynge into the common treasouiy.
All and euery one of them be apparrayled in one 20
colour. Their heddys be not polled or shauen, but
rownded a lytle aboue the eeres ; and the typpe of the
one eare is cut of. Euerj' one of them may take meat
and drincke of their frindes, and also a cote of their
owne collour ; but to receyve monye is deathe, as 25
well to the geuer as- to the receyuour. And no lesse
ieopardie it is for a free man to receyue moneye of
a seruynge man, for any manner of cause ; and lyke-
wyse for seruynge men to touche weapons. The
seruyng men of euery seuerall shyere be dystyncte 30
and knowen from other by their seuerall and dys
tyncte badges ; whyohe to caste away is death : as it
is also to be seene owte of the precyncte of their owne
sheire, or to talke wyth a seruynge man of another
shyere. And it is no lesse daunger to them for to 35
intende to runne awaye, then to do yt in dede. Yea,
and to concele suche an enterpryes in a seruynge man
yt is deathe ; in a free man seruytude. Of the con-

OF UTOPIA 25

trarye parte, to hym that openeth and vttereth suche
cownselles be decreyde large giftes : to a free man
a great somme of moneye ; to a seruynge man free-
dome ; and to them bothe forgeuynes and pardone of
that they were of councell in that pretence. So that 5
yt can neuer be so good for them to goo forwarde
in they re euyll purpose, as by repentaunce to turne
backe.

< "Thys is the lawe and ordre in thys behalfe, as
I haue shewed yow. Wherin what humanytye is 10
vsede, howe farre yt is frome crueltye, and howe
commodyous yt is, yow doo playnlye perceue: for
asmuche as the ende of their wrath and punyshe-
mente intendeth nothyng elles but the distructyon
of vyces and sauynge of men ; wyth so vsynge and 15
orderynge them, that theye can not chuse but be
good ; and what harme so euer theye dyd before, in
the resydewe of theyre lyffe to make amendys for the
same.

1 " Moreouer yt is so lytle feared, that they shoulde 20
torne agayne to theyre vycyous condytyons, that waye-
faiynge men wyll for theyre sauegarde chuse them to
theyre guydes before annye other, in euerye sheyre
chaungynge and takynge newe. For yf they wolde
commytte robberye, theye haue nothynge abowte them 25
meate for that purpose. They maye towche no weapons :
moneye fownde abowte them shoulde betraye the
robberye. They shoulde be no soner taken wyth
the maner, but furthwyth they shoulde be punysshed.
Nother theye can haue annye hoope at all to skape 30
awaye by flyenge. For howe shoulde a man, that
in no parte of hys apparrell is lyke other men, flye
preuelye and vnknowen, oneles he wolde runne awaye
naked? Howe be yt, so also flyinge, he shoulde be
dyscryued by hys rounding and his eare marke. But 35
yt is a thynge to be dowted, that they will lay their
heddes togither, and conspire agaynst the weale pub-
lyque. No, no, I warraunte you. For the seruyng

26 THE FYESTE BOKE

men of one shere alone could neuer hoope to brynge
to passe suche an enterpryse, wythowte sollycytynge,
entysynge, and allurynge the seruynge men of many
other shyeres to take their paries. Whych thynge is
to them so impossyble, that they may not asmuche as 5
speake or talke togethers, or salute one an other. No.
it is not to be thought that they wold make their owne
countrey men and company ons of their cownsell in
such a matter, whych they knowe well shoulde be
ieopardye to the concelour therof, and greate com- 10
modytye and goodnes to the openner of the same :
where as on the other parte, ther is none of them al
hoopeles or in dyspayre to recouer agayne hys free-
dome, by humble obedience, by pacyent suffry"ri.ge, and
by geauyng good tokens and lyklyhode of hymself, 15
that he wyll euer after that liue lyke a trewe and an
honeste man. For euery yeare dyuers be restoryd
agayne to their freedome, tbroughe the commendatyon
of their patience."

' Whan I had thus spoken, saynge moreouer that 20
I coulde see no cause whie this ordre might not be
had in England, with much more proffyte then the
Justyce which the lawier so highly praised : " Naye"
(quod the lawier), "this could neuer be so stablished
in England, but that it must neades bringe the weale 25
publique into great ieopardie and hasarde." And as
he was thus saying, he shaked his heade, and made
a wrie mouth, and so held his peace. And all that
were ther present, with one assent agreid to his saying.

4 " Well " (quod the Cardinall), "yet it were hard to 30
fudge withowte a proffe whether this order wold doo
well here or no. But when the sentence of deathe is
geuen, if than the king should commaunde execution
to be differryd and spared, and wold proue this order
and fassion ; taking away the priuileges of all sain- 35
(tuaries ; if then the proffe wold declare the thing to
be good and profitable, than it were well done that it
were stablisshed. Els the condempned and repriued

OF UTOPIA 27

parsons may aswell and as iustly be put to death after
this proffe, as when they were first cast. Nother any
ioperdye can in the meane space growe here of. Yea,
and me thinketh that thies vagaboundes may very
well be ordered after the same fassion, against whome 5
we haue hitherto made so many lawes, and so litle
preti ailed."

'When the Cardinal had thus said, than euery man
gaue greate praise to my sayinges, which a litle before
they had disallowed^ But most of all was estemed 10
that which was spoken of vagaboundes, bicause it was
the cardinalles owne addition.

' I can not tell whether it were best to reherse the
communication that followed, for it was not very sad.
But yet you shal here it : for ther was no euell in it ; 15
and partly it parteined to the matter before said.

' Ther chaunsed to stond by a certein ies.ting^arasite,
or scofferj_which wold seme to resemble and cownter-
feit tKeioole. But he did in such wise counterfeyt,
that he was almost the very same in dead that he 20
labored to represent. He so studied with wordes and
saynges, brought furth so out of time and place, to
make sporte and moue laughter, that he himself was
oftener laughed at then his iestes were. Yet the
foolish fellow brought out now and then such in- 25
different and reasonable stuffe, that he made the
prouerbe trew, which sayeth : he that shoteth oft, at
the last shal hit the marke. So that when one of the
company said that thorough my communication a good
ordre was found for theues, and that the Cardinall 30
also had wel prouided for vagaboundes ; so that only
remained some good prouision to be made for them
that through siknes and age were fallen into pouerty,
and were become so impotente and vnweldye, that
they were not able to woorke for their liuing : " Tush " 35
(quod he) " let me alon with them ; you shall see me
do well ynough with them. For I had rather then
anye good that this kind of people were dreuen sum-

28 THE FYRSTE BOKE

whether ^ut of my sighte : they haue so sore troubled
me many times and oft, when they haue with their
lamentable teares begged money of me ; and yet thei
could neuer to mi mind so tune theire song, that therby
they euer got of me one farthynge. For euer more 5
the one of thies two chaunced : eyther that I wolde
not, or elles that I could not, bicause I had it not.
Therefore nowe they be waxed wyse. When they
see me goo bye, bycause they wyll not leese theyr
laboure, they lette me go, and saye not one worde to 10
me. So they looke for nothing of me ; no, in good
sothe, no more then if I were a priest. But I will
make a law, that all thies beggers shalbe distribute
and bestowed into houses of religion. The men shalbe
made laye bretherne, as they call them, and the women 15
nunnes." Here at the Cardenall smiled, and allowed
it in iest ; yea, and all the residue in good earnest.

' But a certeyne freare, graduate in diuinitie, toke
such pleasur and d elite in this ieste of priestes and
monkes, that he also, beinge elles a man of grislye 20
and sterne grauitye, beganne merilye and wantonlye I
to ieste and taunt. "Nay" (quod he), "you shal not
so be ridde and dispatched of beggers, oneles you
make some prouision also for us f rears." "Whie"
(quod the iester) " that is doon all redy. For mi lord 25
him selfe set a very good ordre for yow, when he
decreed that vagaboundes should be kept strayt, and
set to worke ; for yow be the greatest and veriest
vagaboundes that be."

' This iest also, when they saw the Cardinal not 30
disproue it, euery man tooke it gladly, sailing only
the Frear. For he (and that no marueil) when he
was thus towchyd one the quicke, and hit on the
gawl, so fret, so fumed and chafid at it, and was in
such a rage, that he could not refrayn himselfe from 35
chiding, skolding, railing, and reuiling. He called
the fellow ribbald, villayn, iauell, backbiter, sclaun-
derer, and the sonne of perdition ; citing therwith

OP UTOPIA 29

terrible threatening out of holy scriptur. Then the
iesting skoffer began to play the scoffer indede, and
verily he was good at yt, for he could play a part in
that play, no man better. "Patient iourself, good
maister Freare" (quod he), "and be not angry; for 5
scriptur saith: in your patience you sJial saue your
sowles." Then the Freare (for I wil rehearse his oune
very woordes) : "No, gallous wretche, I am not angry"
(quod he) ; "or at the leaste wise I do not synne : for
the psalmiste saith, lie you angry and sinne not." 10

' Then the Cardinal spake gently to the Freare, and
desiered him to quyete hymself. " No, my lord " (quod
he), " I speake not but of a good zeal as I ought ; for
holly men had a good zeale. Wherfor it is said ; the
ceale of thy house hath eaten me. And it is song in 15
the church : The skorners of Helizcus, whiles he went vp
into the house of god, felt the zeale of the bald • as per-
aduentur this skorning villain ribauld shal feel."
" You do it " (quod the cardinall) " perchauiice of
a good mind and affection. But me thinketh you 20
should do, I can not tel whether more holily, certes
more wisely, if you wold not set your wit to a fooles
witte, and with a foole take in hand a foolish conten
tion." " No, forsoeth, my lorde" (quod he), "I should
not doo more wiselye. For Salomon the wise sayeth : 25
Ansiver a foole according to his folishnes ; like as I do
now, and do shew him the pit that he shall fall into,
if he take not hede. For if many skorners of Helizeus,
which was but one bald man, felt the zeal of the balde,
howe much more shall one skorner of many frears 30
feele, amonge whom be many bald men? And we
haue also the popes bulles, wherby all that mock and
skorne us be excommunicate, suspended, and acursed."
The cardinal seing that none end wold be made, sent
away the iester by a preuy beck, and turned the com- 35
munication to an other matter. Shortly after, when
he was risen from the table, he went to heare his
sueters, and so dimissed vs.

30 THE FYKSTE BOKE

'Lokfc, mayster More, with how long and tedious
a tale I haue kept you, which suerly I wolde haue
bene ashamed to haue done, but that you so earnestly
desiered me, and did after suche a sort geue eare vnto
hit, as though you wolde not that any parcell of that 5
communication should be left out ; which though
I haue doone sumwhat briefely, yet coulde I not
chuse but rehearse it, for the iudgement of them,
which, when they had improued and disallowed my
sayinges, yet incontinent hearinge the Cardinall allowe 1C
them, dyd themselfes also approue the same ; so impu
dently flattering him, that they were nothinge ashamed
to admit, yea, almost in good earnest, his iesters folish
tnuentions ; bicause that he him selfe, by smylynge at
them, did seme not to disproue them. So that hereby ic
you may right well perceaue, how litle the courtiers
wold regard and esteme me and my sayinges.'

'I ensure you, maister Raphael' (quod I), 'I toke
great delectation in hearing you : all thinges that yow
sayde were spoken so wittily and so pleasauntly. And 2(
me thought my self to be in the meane time not only
at home in my countrey, but also, throughe the
pleasaunt remembraunce of the Cardinall, in whose
housse I was brought vp of a child, to waxe a childe
agayne. And, frend Raphaell, though I did beare 2i
verye greate loue towardes you before, yet seynge yow
do so earnestly fauour thys man, yow wyll not beleue
howe muche my loue towardes yow is nowe increased.
But yet, all this notwithstanding, I can by no meanes
chaunge my mind, but that I must needys beleue that 3
you, if you be disposed, and can find in youre harte to
followe some prynces courte, shall with your good
cownselles greatly healpe and further the commen
wealthe. Wherefore there is nothynge more apper-
teynynge to your dewty ; that is to say, to the dewty 3,
of a good man. For where as youre Plato Judgethe
that weale publyques shall by this meanes attayne
perfecte felicitie, other if phylosophers be kj^nges, or

OF UTOPIA 31

els if kynges giue them selfes to the study of Philo-
sophie ; how farre, I praye yowe, shall commen weal-
thes then be from thys felicitie, if phylosophers wyll
(not) vouchesaufe to instructe kynges with their good
counsell ? ' ' They be not so viikind ' (quod he), ' but 5
they would gladlye do it ; yea, manye haue done it all
readie in bookes that they haue put furth, if kynges
and princes would be wyllyng and readie to folowe
good counsell. But Plato doubteles dyd well forsee,
oneles kynges themselfes would applye their myndes 10
to the studye of philosophie, that elles they would
neuer thoroughlye allowe the counsell of philosophers ;
beyng themselfes before euen from their tender age
infectyd and corrupt with peruerse and euyll opinions.
Whiche thynge Plato hymselfe prouyd trewe in kynge 15
Dionise. If I should propose to any kynge holsome
decrees, doinge my endeuour to pluck out of hys
mynde the pernitious originall causes of vice and
noughtenes, thynke you not that I shoulde furthe
with other be dryuen awaye, or elles made a laughynge 20
stocke ?

' Goo to, suppose that I were with the Frenche

kynge. and there syttynge in hys counsell, whyles that

in that moste secrete consultation, the kyng hym self

there beynge present in hys owne persone, they beat 25

their braynes, and serche the verye bottomes of theyr

wittes to discusse by what crafte and meanes the kyng

maye styll kepe Myllayne and drawe to hym agayne

fugatyue Naples ; and then howe to conquere the

Venetians, and howe to bryng vnder his lurisdiction so

all Italye ; then howe to wynne the dominion of

Flaunders, Brabant, and of all Burgundie, with dyuers

I other landes, whose kyngdomes he hath longe a goo

; in mynde and purpose inuacled. Here, whyles one

j counselleth to conclude a leage of peace with the 35

' Venetians, whiche shal so longe endure, as shalbe

thought mete and expedient for theire purpose, and to

make them also of their counsell, yea, and besydes

32 THE FYESTE BOKE

that to gyue them parte of the praye, whyche after-
warde, when they haue brought theyr purpose abowte
after theyr owne myndes they maye requyre and
claym agayne. An other thynketh beste to hyere the
Germaneynes. An other would haue the fauoure of 5
the Swychers wonne with money. An others aduyse
is to appease the puyssaunte powre of the emperours
maiestie with golde, as with a moste pleasaunt and
acceptable sacrifice. Whyles an other gyueth counsell
to make peace wyth the kynge of Arragone, and to 10
restore vnto hym hys owne kyngdome of Nauarra, as
a full assuraunce of peace. An other cummeth in
wyth his .v. egges, and aduyseth to howke in the
kynge of Castell with somme hope of affynytie or
allyaunce, and to brynge to theyr parte certeyne peers 15
of hys courte for greate pensions : whyles they all
staye at the chyefeste dowte of all, what to doo in the
meane tyme with England, and yet agree al in this to
make peace with the englishmen, and with moste
suere and strong bondes to bind that weake and feable 2t
frendshyppe, so that they must be called frendes, and
hadde in suspicion as enemies ; and that therfore the
skottes must be hadde in a reddines, as it were in
a standing reddie at all occasions, in aunters the
Englyshe men should sturre neuer so litle, incontinent 2f
to set vpon them ; and moreouer preuilie and secretly,
for openly it maye not be doone by the truce that is
taken ; pryuelye therfore, I saye, to make muche of
some peere of Englande, that is bannyshed his countrey,
whiche must cleyme title to the crown of the realme, 3(
and affirme hym selfe iuste inheritoure therof ; that by
thys subtyll meanes they maye holde to them the
kynge, in whom elles they haue but small truste and
affiaunce.

' Here, I saye, where so great and high matters be in a
consultation, where so manye noble and wyse men
counsell their kyng only to warre ; here, if I, sely man,
should ryse vp and wylle them to turne ouer the leafe,

OF UTOPIA 33

and learne a newe lesson ; sayng that my counsell is
not to medle with Italy, but to tarrye styll at home,
and that the kyngdome of fraunce alone is all moste
greater, then that it maye well be gouerned of one
man ; so that the kyng shoulde not nede to study e 5
howe to gett move : and then shoulde propose vnto
them the decrees of the people that be called the
Achoriens, whiche be situate ouer agaynst the Ilande
of Vtopia on the sowtheaste syde. Thies Achoriens
ones made warre in their kinges quarrel, for to gette 10
him an other kyngdom, whiche he layde clayme vnto,
and auaunced hymself righte inheritoure to the crowne
therof, by the title of an olde aliaunce. At the last,
when they had gotten it, an sawe that they hadde euen
as muche vexation and trouble in keping it, as they 15
had in gettyng it ; and that other there newe con
quered subiectes by sondrye occasions were makynge
dayly insurrections to rebell agaynste them, or els that
other countreys were contynually with diners inrodes
and forraginges inuadinge them ; so that they were 20
euer fyghtinge other for them, or agaynste them, and
neuer coulde breke vp their campes : seynge them
selfes in the meane season pylled and impoueryshed ;
their money carryed owt of the Realme ; theyr owne
men kylled to mayntayne the glory of an other nation ; 25
when they had no warre, peace nothynge better then
warre, by reason that their people in warre had inured
themselfes to corrupte and wycked maners ; that they
hadde taken a delycte and pleasure in robbynge and
stealyng ; that through manslaughter they had gathered 30
boldenes to mischiefe ; that their lawes were hadde in
contempte, and nothynge set by or regarded ; that
their kynge, beynge troubled with the chardge and
gouernaunce of two kingdomes, coulde not nor was not
able perfectly to discharge his office towardes them £5
bothe ; seynge agayne that all thies euelles and troubles
were endeles : at the last laid there heades together ;
and, lyke faithful and louinge subiectes, gaue to their

34 THE FYKSTE BOKE

kynge f ee choyse and libertie to kepe still the one of
this .ii. kingdomes, whether he would ; allegyng that
he was not able to kepe both, and that they were mo
then might wel be gouerned of half a king ; for as-
muche as no man would be content to take hym for 5
his mulettour that kepeth an other mans moyles
besides his. So this good prince was constreyned to
be content with his olde kyngdome, and to gyue ouer
the newe to one of his frendes ; whiche shortelie after
was violentlie dreuen out. Furthermore if I should 10
declare vnto them, that all this busy preparaunce to
warre, wherby so many nations for hys sake shuld be
brought into a troublesom hurley-hurley, when all hys
coffers were emptied, his treasures wasted and his
people destroyed, should at the length through som 15
mischaunce be in vaine and to none effect ; and that
therfore it were best for him to content him selfe with
his owne Kingdom of fraunce, as his forfathers and
predecessours did before him ; to make much of it, to
enriche it, and to make it as flourisshing as he could ; 20
to endeuoure himself to loue his subiects, and again to
be beloued of them ; willingly to Hue with them,
peaceably to gouerne them ; and with other kyng-
domes not to medle, seinge that whiche he hath all
reddy is euen ynough for hym, yea, and more then he 25
can well turne hym to ; thys myne aduyse, maister
More, how thynke you it would be harde and taken ? '
' So God helpe me, not very thankefully ' (quod I).

' Wel, let vs precede then ' (quod he). ' Suppose
that some kyng and his counsell were together 3(
whettinge their wittes, and deuisinge what subtell
crafte they myght inuente to enryche the king with
greate treasures of money. First one councelleth to
rayse and enhaunce the valuacion of money, when the
king must paye any ; and agayne to calle downe the 3.
value of coyne to lesse then it is worthe, when he must
receiue or gather any : for thus great sommes shalbe
payde with a lytyll money, and where lytle is due

OF UTOPIA 35

muche shalbe receaued. An other counselleth to fayne
warre, that when vnder this coloure and pretence the
kyng hath gathered great aboimdaunce of money, he
maye, when it shall please hym, make peace wyth
great solempnitie and holye ceremonies, to blynde the 5
eyes of the poore communaltie, as taking pitie and
compassion Gode wote vpon mans bloude, lyke a
louing and a mercifull prince.

'An other putteth the kyng in remembraunce of
certeyn olde and moughte-eaten lawes, that of long 10
tyme haue not bene put in execution ; whiche, because
no man can remembre that they were made, euerie
man hath transgressed. The fynes of thies lawes he
counselleth the kynge to require : for there is no waye
so profitable, nor more honorable ; as the whiche 15
hath a shewe and coloure of iustice. An other ad-
uyseth hym to forbidde manye thynges vnder great
penalties and fines, specially suche thynges as is for the
peoples profit not be vsed ; and afterward to dispence
for money with them, which by this prohibicion 20
susteyne losse and dammage. For by this meanes the
fauour of the people is wonne, and promte riseth two
wayes : first by takyng forfaytes of them whom
couetousnes of gaynes hath brought in daunger of
thys statute ; and also by sellynge preuyleges and 25
licences ; whiche the better that the prynce is forsothe,
the deerer he selleth them ; as one that is lothe to
graunte to any pryuate persone any thyng that is
agaynste the protfyt of hys people ; and therfore maye
sell none but at an exceding dere pryce. 30

'An other giueth the kynge counsell to endaunger
vnto hys grace the iudges of the Keyalme, that he
maye haue them euer on hys syde ; whyche muste
in euerye matter despute and reason for the kynges
rygth. And they muste be called into the kynges 35
palace, and be desired to argue and discusse his matters
in his owne presence. So there shalbe no matter of
his, so openlye wronge and uniuste, wherin one or

D 2

36 THE FYRSTE BOKE

other >f them, other because he wyll haue sumthyng
to allege and obiecte, or that he is ashamed to saj'e
that whiche is sayde already, or else to pike a thanke
with his prince, wyll not fynde som hole open to set
a snare in, wherewith to take the contrarie parte in 5
a trippe. Thus whiles the iudges cannot agree amonges
themselfes, reasoning and arguing of that which is
playne enough, and bringing the manifest trewthe
in dowte, in the meane season the kyng may take
a fyt occasion to vnderstand the lawe as shal most 10
make for his aduauntage ; wher vnto al other for
shame or for feare wil agree. Then the Judges maye
be bolde to pronounce of the kynges side. For he
that geueth sentence for the kyng cannot be without
a good excuse. For it shalbe sufficient for hym to 15
haue equitie of his part, or the bare wordes of the
lawe, or a wry then and wrested vnderstandynge of
the same, or els, whiche with good and iust Judges
is of greater force then all lawes be, the kynges
indisputable prerogatiue. To conclude, al the coun- 20
sellours agre and consent together with the riche
Crassus, that no abundance of gold can be sufficient
for a prince, which muste kepe and maynteyne an
armie : furthermore that a kynge, thoughe he would,
can do nothynge uniustly ; for all that all men haue, 25
yea also the men them selfes, be all his ; and that
euery man hath so much of his owne as the kynges
gentilnes hath not taken from hym ; and that it shalbe
[ moste for the kynges aduauntage that his subiectes
haue very lytle or nothing in their possession ; as 30
whose sauegarde dothe herein consiste, that his people
, do not waxe wanton and wealthie through riches and
; libertie ; because, where thies thinges be, there men
| be not wonte patientlye to obeye harde, vniuste, and
I vnlawfull commaundementes ; where as, on the other 3i
part, neade and pouertie doth holde downe and kepe
vncler stowte courages, and maketh them patient per
force, takyng from them bolde and rebellynge stomakes.

OF UTOPIA 37

'Here agayne if I should ryse vp, and boldelye
affirme that all thies counselles be to the kyng dis-
honoure and reproche, whoes honom-e and sauitie is
more and rather supported and vpholden by the wealth
and ryches of his people, then by hys owne treasures ; 5
and if I shuld declare that the comminaltie chueseth
their king for their owne sake and not for his sakej
for "this intent that through his labour and studie they
might al liue wealthily, sauffe from wronges and
iniuries ; and that therfore the kynge ought to take 10
more care for the wealthe of his people, then for his .
owne wealthe, euen as the office and dewtie of a
shephearde is, in that he is a shepherd, to feade his
shepe rather then hymself. For as towchynge this,
that they thinke the defence and mayntenaunce of 15
peace to consiste in the pouertie of the people, the
thyng it solf sheweth that they be farre owt of the
way. For where shall a man fincle more wrangling,
quarelling, brawling, and chiding, then among beggers?
Who be more disierous of newe mutations and altera- 20
tions, then they that be not content with the present
state of their lyfe? Or, finally, who be bolder sto-
maked to brynge all in hurlieburlie (therby trustyng
to get sum wyndfall), then they that haue nowe
nothing to leese ? And if so be that there were any 25
kyng, that were so smallye regarded, or so behated
of his subiectes, that other wayes he coulde not kepe
them in awe, but onlie by open wronges, by pollinge
and shauinge, and by brynginge them to beggerie ;
sewerly it were better for hym to forsake hys kyng- 30
dome, then to holde it by this meanes ; whereby,
though the name of a kyng be kept, yet the maiestie
is lost. For it is against the dignitie of a kynge to
haue rule ouer beggers, but rather ouer ryche and
welthie men. Of thys mynde was the hardie and 35
couragius Fabrice, when he sayde that he_had_rather
be a ruler of ryche men then bejyche jiyjrnselfe. And
!! one man to lyue in ple.-isuro and

38 THE FYKSTE BOKE

whyles all other wepe and smarte for it, that is the
parte ... ot of a kynge but of a iayler.

'To be shorte, as he is a folyshe phisition, that
cannot cure his patientes disease, onles he caste hym
in an other syckenes ; so he that cannot amend the 5
Hues of his subiectes, but be taking from them the
wealth and commoclitie of lyfe, he must nedes graunte
that he knoweth not the feate howe to gouerne fre
men. But let hym rather amende hys owne lyfe,
renounce ynhonest pleasures, and forsake pride. For 10
thies be the chiefe vices that cause hym to runne
in the contempt or hatered of his people. Let him
lyue of hys owne, hurtinge no man. Let him do
coste not aboue his power. Let hym restreyne wycked-
nes. Let hym preuente vices, and take a waye the 15
occasions of offences be well orderyng his subiectes,
and not by sufferyng wickednes to increase, afterward
to be punyshed. Let hym not be to hastie in callynge
agayne lawes, whiche a custome hathe abrogated ;
speciallye suche as haue bene long forgotten and neuer 20
lacked nor neaded. And let hym neuer vnder the
cloke and pretence of transgression take suche fynes
and forfaytes, as no ludge wyll suffre a priuate persone
to take, as uniuste and ful of gile.

' Here if I should brynge furth before them the lawe 25
of the Macariens, whiche be not farre distaunt from
Vtopia ; whose kynge, the daye of hys coronacion, is
bounde by a solempne othe, that he shall neuer at
anye tyme haue in hys treasure aboue a thousande
pounde of golde or syluer. They saye a verye good 30
kynge, whiche toke more care for the wealthe and
commoditie of hys countrey, then for thenrychinge
of himself, made this lawe to be a stop and a barre
to kynges for heaping and hording vp so muche money
as might impoueryshe their people. For he forsawe 35
that this som of treasure woulde suffice to supporte
the kynge in battail against his owne people, if they
shuld chaunce to rebell : and also to maintein his

OF UTOPIA 39

warres against the inuasions of hys forreyn enemies.
Againe he perceiued the same stocke of money to be
to litle, and vnsufficient to encourage and able hym
wrongfullye to take a waye other mens goodes ; whyche
was the chiefe cause whie the lawe was made. An 5
other cause was this. He thought that by thys
prouision his people shuld not lacke money wherewith
to maynteyne their dayly occupieng and chaffayre.
And seynge the kynge coulde not chewse but laye
owt and bestowe all that came in aboue the prescript 10
some of his stocke, he thought he woulde seke no
occasions to doo hys subiectes iniurie. Suche a kynge
shalbe feared of euell men, and loued of good men.
Thies and suche other informatyons yf I should vse
emonge men holy enclined and geuen to the con- 15
trarye part, how deaffe hearers, thyncke you, should
Ihaue?'

' Deaffe hearers douteles ' (quod I), ' and in good
faith no marueyle. And to speake as I thynke, truelye
I can not a lowe that such communicatyon shall- be 20
vsed, or suche cownsell geuen, as you be suere shall
neuer be regarded nor receaued. For how can so
straunge informations be profitable, or how can they
be beaten into their headdes, whose myndes be all
reddye preuented with cleane contrary 6 persuasyons ? 25
Thys schole philosophic is not vnpleasaunte emonge
fryndes in famylier communication ; but in the coun-
selles of kynges, where greate matters be debated and
reasoned wyth great aucthorytye, thies thynges haue
no place.' 30

' That is yt whyche I mente ' (quod he), ' when I said
phylosophye hadde no place amonge kinges.' 'In
dede ' (quod I) ' this schole philosophic hath not ;
whiche thinketh all thynges mete for euery place. But
ther is an other philosophye more cyuyle, whyche 35
knoweth as ye wolde saye her owne stage, and there
after orderynge and behauynge herselfe in the playe
that she hathe in hande, playethe her parte accordyng-

40 THE FYESTE BOKE

lye wyth comlynes, vtteringe nothynge owte of dewe
ordr« and fassyon. And thys ys the phylosophye that
yowe muste vse. Orels, whyles a commodye of Plautus
is playing,?, and the vyle bondemen skoffynge and
tryffelynge amonge them selfes, yf yowe shoulde 5
sodenlye come vpon the stage in a philosophers ap-
parrell, and reherse owte of Octauia the place wherin
Seneca dysputeth with Nero ; had it not bene better
for yowe to haue pla3red the domme persone, then by
rehersynge that, which serued nother for the tyme nor 1C
place, to haue made suche a tragycall comedye or
galtymalfreye ? For by bryngynge in other stuffe that
nothynge apperteyneth to the presente matter, yowe
must nedys marre and peruert the play that ys in
hande, thoughe the stuffe that yowe brynge be muche It
better. What parte soeuer yowe haue taken vpon
yowe, playe that as well as yowe canne, and make the
beste of yt ; and doo not therefore dysturbe and brynge
owte of ordre the hole matter, bycause that an othere,
whyche is meryere and bettere, cummethe to yowre 2(
remembraunce.

'So the case stondethe in a common wealth e ; and
so yt ys in the consultatyons of Kynges and prynces.
Yf euell opynyons and noughty persuasions can not be
vtterly and quyte pluckede owte of their hartes ; if 2J
you can not euen as you wold remedye vyces, whiche
vse and custome hath confirmed ; yet for this cause
yow must not leaue and forsake the common wealth ;
yow must not forsake the shippe in a tempeste, bycause
yowe can not rule and kepe downe the wyndes. No, 3(
nor yow muste not laboure to diyue into their heades
newe and straunge informatyons, whyche yow knowe
well shalbe nothynge regarded wyth them that be of
cleane contrary mindes. But you must with a crafty
wile and a subtell trayne studye and endeuoure your 3i
selfe, asmuch as in yow lyethe, to handle the matter
wyttelye and handsomelye for the purpose ; and that
whyche yowe can not turne to good, so to ordre it that

OF UTOPIA 41

it be not very badde. For it is not possible for all
thynges to be well, oiiles all men were good : which I
thynke wil not be yet thys good many yeares.' .

' By thys meanes ' (quod he) ' nothynge elles wyll be
broughte to passe, but, whyles that I goo abowte to 5
remedy the madnes of others, I should be euen as
madde as they. For if I wolde speake thynges that
be trewe, I muste neades speake suche thinges. But
as for to speake false thinges, whether that be a philo
sophers part, or no, I can not tell ; truely it is not my 10
part. Howebeit thys communicatyon of myne, thoughe
peraduenture it maye seme vnplesaunte to them, yett
can I not see whie it should seme straunge, or
foolisshelye newfangled. If so be that I should e
speake those thynges that Plato fayneth in his weale 15
publique, or that the vtopians do in theires ; thies
thinges thoughe they were (as they be in dede)
better, yet they myghte seme spoken owt of place ; for \
as much as here amonges us, euerye man hath hys
possessyons seuerall to hymselfe, and there all thinges 20 f
be common.

' But what was in my communication conteyned,
that mighte not and oughte not in anye place to be
spoken ? sauynge that to them whyche haue throughlye
decreed and determined with them selfes to rome 25
hedlonges the contrary waye, it can not be acceptable
and plesaunt; bicause it calleth them backe, and
sheweth them the ieopardies. Verilye yf all thynges
that euell and vitiouse maners haue caused to seme
inconueniente and noughte should be refused, as thinges 30
vnmete and reprochefull, then we must emong Christen
people wyncke at the most parte of all those thynges
whyche Christe taughte vs, and so streytlye forbadde
them to be wyncked at, that those thinges also whyche
he whispered in the eares of hys dyscyples. he com- 35
maunded to be proclaymed in open howses. And yet
the most parte of them is mo ore dissident from the
maners of the worlde nowe a dayes then my com-

42 THE FYBSTE BOKE

municatyon was. But preachers, slye and wilie men,
folio vynge your cownsell (as I suppose), bicause they
saw men euel willing to frame theyr manners to
Christes rule, they haue wrested and wriede hys
doctryne, and lyke a rule of leade haue applyed yt to 5
mennys maners ; that by some meanes at the leaste
wave they myghte agree to gether. Wherby I can
not see what good they haue doone, but that men
may more sickerlye be euell. And I truelye shoulde
preuaile euen asmuche in kinges counselles. For other 10
I muste saye other wajres then they saye, and then I
were as good to saye nothynge ; or els I muste saye
thesame that they saye, and (as Mitio saieth in Terence)
helpe to further their madnes. For that craftye wyle
and subtill traine of yours, I can not perceaue to what 15
' purpose it serueth ; wherewyth yow wolde haue me to
studdy and endeuoure my selfe, yf all thynges can not
be made good, yet to handle them wittily and hand
somely for the purpose ; that, as farre furth as is
possible, they maye not be very euell. For there is 20
no place to dissemble in nor to wincke in. Noughtye
cownselles must be openlye allowed, and verye pestylent
decrees muste be approued. He shalbe cowiitede
worse then a spye, yea almoste as euell as a traytoure,
that wyth a faynte harte doth prayse euell and noye- 25
some decrees.

'Moreouer a man canne haue no occasyon too doo
good, chauncynge into the companye of them, whyche
wyll sonere make noughte a good man, then be made
good themselfes ; throughe whose euell companye he 30
shalbe marred, or els yf he remayne good and innocent,
yett the wyckednes and folysshenes of others shalbe
imputed to hym, and layde in hys necke. So that yt
is impossyble wyth that craftye wyele and subtell
trayne to turne anny thing to better. 35

'Wherfore Plato by a goodly simylitude declareth
whie wise men refreyn to medle in the common
Wealth. For when they see the people swarm in to

OF UTOPIA 43

the stretes, and dailie \vett to the skin wyth rayne,
and yet can not persuade them to goo owt of the
rayne, and to take their houses ; knowynge well that
if they shoulde goo owte to them, they shoulde nothynge
preuayle, nor wynne ought by it, but be wett also in 5
the rain ; they do kepe them selfes within their
howses ; beynge content that they be saffe them selfes,
seynge they can not remedye the foll}Te of the people.

'Howe be it dowteles, mayster Moore (to speke
truelye as my mynde geueth me), where soeuer pos- 10
sessyons be pryuate, where moneye beareth all the
stroke, it is hard and almoste impossyble that there
^the weale publyque maye iustelye be gouerned and
prosperouslye floryshe. Onles you thynke thus : that
lustyce is there executed, wher all thynges come into 15
the handes of euell men ; or that prosperytye their
floryssheth, where all is deuyded amonge a fewe ;
whyche fewe neuerthelesse do not leade their lyues
very wealthely, and the resydewe lyue myserablye,
wretchedlye, and beggerlye. 20

' Wherefore when I consyder wyth my selfe, and
weye in my mynde, the wyse and godlye ordynaunces
of the Vtopyans, amonge whome wyth verye fewe
lawes all thynges be so well and wealthelye ordered,
that vertue is had in pryce and estimatyon ; and yet, 25
all thynges beynge ther common, euerye man hath
abundaunce of euery thynge : agayne, on the other
part, when I compare wyth them so manye natyons
euer makyng new lawes, yet none of them all well
and suffycyentlye furnysshed wyth lawes ; where euery 30
man calleth that he hath gotten hys owne proper and
pryuate goodes ; where so many newe lawes daylye
made be not suffycyente for euerye man to enioye,
defend, and knowe from an other mans that whych he
calleth his owne ; which thyng the infinyte contro- 35
uersies in the lawe, that daylye ryse neuer to be ended,
playnly declare to be trewe : thies thynges (I say)
when I consider with me selfe, I holde well with

44 THE FYESTE BOKE

Plato, and doo no thynge marueyll that he wolde
make no lawes for them that refused those lawes,
Wiurby all men shoulde haue and enioye equall por
tions of welthes and commodities. For the wise man
dyd easely forsee, that thys is the one and onlye waye 5
to the wealthe of a conununaltye, yf equaltye of all
thynges sholde be broughte in and stablyshed. Whyche
I thynke is not possible to be obserued, where euerye
mans gooddes be proper and peculyare to him selfe.
For where euerye man vnder certeyne tytles and pre- 10
tences draweth and plucketh to himselfe asmuch as he
can, and so a fewe deuide amonge theniselfes all the
riches that there is, be there neuer so muche abund-
aunce and stoore, there to the resydewe is lefte lacke
and pouertye. And for the moste parte yt chaunceth 15
that thys latter sort is more worthye to enioye that
state of wealth, then the other be ; bycause the rych
men be couetous, craftye, and vnprofy table": on the
other parte, the poore be lowlye, symple, and by their
daily labour more profytable to the common welthe 20
then to them selfes.

' Thus I doo fullye persuade me selfe, that no equall
and iuste distrybutyon of thynges can be made : nor
that perfecte wealthe shall euer be among men ; onles
this propriety be exiled and bannished. But so long 25
as it shal contynew, so long shal reniayn among the
most and best part of men the heuy and inevitable
burden of pouerty and wretchednjs] WliicK, as
I gTallHt^ftaVit^lmiy'^De sumwhat eased, so I vtterly
deny that it can holy be taken away. For if ther wer 30
a statute made, that no man should possesse aboue
a certein measure of ground, and that no man should
haue in his stocke aboue a prescripte and appointed
some of money ; if it were by certein lawes decreed
that nother the king should be of to greate powre, 35
nother the people to prowd and wealthye ; and that
offices shold not be obteined by inordinate suyte or by
brybes and giftes ; that they should nother be bought

OF UTOPIA 45

nor sold, nor that it sholde be nedeful for tlie officers
to be at any cost or charge in their offices : for so
occasion is geuen to the officers by fraud and rauin to
gather vp their money again, and by reason of giftes
and bribes the offices be geuen to rich men, which 5
shoulde rather haue bene executed of wise men ; by
such lawes, I say, like as sicke bodies that be desperat
and past cure, be woiitewith continual good cherissing
to be kept vp, so thies euelles also might be lightened
and mytygated. But that they may be perfectlye 10
cured and brought to a good and vpryght state, it is
not to be hoped for, whiles euery man is maister of
his owne to hjoii selfe. Yea, and whyles yow goo
abowt to do your cure of one part, yow shall make
bygger the sore of an other parte : so the healpe of one 15
causeth ariothers harme, for as much as nothynge can
be geuen to annye man, onles that be taken from an
other.'

' But I am of a contrary opinion ' (quod I) ' for me
thynketh that men shal neuer there lyue wealthelye, 20
where all thynges be commen. For how can there be
abundaunce of gooddes, or of any thing, where euery
man with draweth his hande from labour ? whome the
regarde of his owne gaines driueth not to woorke, and
the hoope that he hath in other mens trauayles maketh 25
hym slowthfull. Then when they be prycked with
pouertye, and yet no man can by any law or right
defend that for his owne, which he hath gotten wyth
the laboure of his owne handes, shall not ther of
necessitie be continuall sedition and bloodshede ? 30
specially the aucthoritie and reuerende of magistrates
being taken away ; which what place it maye Jiaue
wyth suche-inen, amonge whome is no difference(JTcan
not deuise.' \ 'I maruell not' (quod he) 'that you be
of this opinion. For you conceaue in your mynde 35
other n<Jne at all, or els a very false ymage and symyli-
tude of thys thynge. But yf yow hadde bene wyth me
in Vtopia, and hadde presently sene their fasshions and

46 THE FYESTE BOKE

lawes, as I dyd, whiche liued ther .v. yeares and moore,
f,nd wolde neuer haue commen thence, but only to
make that new lande knowen here ; then dowteles you
wold graunt, that you neuer sawe people well ordered,
but only there.' 5

'Surely' (quod maister Peter), 'it shalbe harde for
you to make me beleue, that ther is better order in
that newe lande, then is here in thies countreys that
wee knowe. For good wyttes be aswell here as there ;
and I thynke owr commen wealthes be auncienter than 10
theires : wherin long vse and experience hath fownde
owt many thinges commodious for mannes life, besides
that many thinges here amonge vs haue bene founde
by chaunce, whych no wytte colde euer haue deuysed.''

'As towchynge the auncyetnes ' (quod he) ' of common 15
wealthes, than you might better iudge, if you had red
the histories and chronicles of that lande ; which if
wee may beleue, cities were there, before there were
men here. Now what thinge soeuer hitherto by witte
hath bene deuised, or found by chaunce, that myghte 20
be aswell there as here. But I thinke verily, though
it were so that we did passe them in witte, yet in
studye and laboursome endeuoure they farre passe vs.
For (as there Cronicles testifie) before our arriuall ther
they neuer harde any thinge of vs, whome they call 2£
the ultraequinoctialles ; sauinge that ones about .M.CC.
yeares ago, a certein shyppe was loste by the He of
Vtopia whiche was driuen thither by tempest. Certeyn
Komayns and Egyptyans were caste on lande, whyche
after that neuer wente thence. 3(

'Marke nowe what profite they tooke of thys one
occasion, through delygence and earneste trauaile.
There was no craft nor scyence within the impery of
Eome, wher of any proffite could rise, but they other
lerned it of thies straungers, or els, of them taking a
occasion to searche for yt, fownde it owte. So great
proffyte was it to them that euer annye wente thyther
from hence. But yf annye lyke chaunce before thys

OF UTOPIA 47

hath brought any man from thence hether, that is as
quyte out of remembraunce, as this also perchaunce in
time to come shalbe forgotten that euer I was there.
And like as they quickelye, almoste at the first meting,
made their owne, what so euer is among vs wealthely 5
deuysed ; so I suppose it wold be longe befor we wolde
receaue any thing that amonge them is better insty-
tuted then amonge vs. And thys I suppose is the
chiefe cause whie theyr common wealthes be wyselyere
gouerned, and do florysh in more -wealth then ours ; 10
though wee nother in wytte nor in ryches be ther
inferiours.'

' Therfore, gentle maister Eaphaell ' (quod I) ' I praye
you and beseche yow descrybe vnto vs the Hand. And
study not to be shorte ; but declare largely in order 15
their groundes, theVe ryuers, their cities, theire people,
theire manners, their ordenaunces, ther lawes, and, to
be short, al thinges that you shal thinke vs desierous
to knowe. And you shal thinke vs desierous to know
what soeuer we knowe not yet.' 'There is nothing '20
(quod he) 'that I will do gladlier. For all these
thinges I haue freshe in mind. But the matter re-
quireth leasure.' 'Let vs go in therfor' (quod I) 'to
dinner: afterward we will bestowe the time at our
pleasure.' 'Content' (quod he) 'be it.' So we went 25
in and dyned.

When diner was done, we came into the same place
again, and sate vs downe vpon the same benche, com-
maunding oure seruauntes that no man should trowble
vs. Then I and maister Peter Giles desiered maister 30
Eaphaell to performe his promise. He therfore seinge
vs desierous and willinge to harken to him, when he
had sit still and paused a litle while, musing and
bethinkynge hymselfe, thus he began to speake.

The encle of the ffyrste boke. ?o

[CHAPTER I]

e second

of tbe communication

of Kaphael Hythlodaye, concernyng
the best state of a common wealthe : con-

teynyng the discription of Vtopia,

•4 with a large declaration of the

Godly gouernement, and of

all the good lawes and

orders of the same

Ilande. 10

The Ilande of Vtopia conteyneth in breadthe in the
myddell part of it (for there it is brodest) CG. miles.
Whiche bredthe continueth through the moste parte of
the lande, sauyng that by lytle and lytle it commeth
in and waxeth narrower towardes both the endes. 13
Whiche fetchynge about a circuite or compasse of .v.c.
myles, do fassion the hole Ilande lyke to the newe
mone. Betwene thys two corners the sea runneth in,
diuydyng them a sonder by the distaunce of .xi. miles
or there aboutes, and there surmounteth into a large 20
and wyde sea, which, by reason that the lande of
euery syde compasseth it about, and shiltreth it from
the windes, is not rough nor mountith not with great
waues, but almost floweth quietly e, not muche viilike
a great standing powle ; and maketh almoste al the 25
space within the bellye of the lande in maner of
a hauen ; and to the great commoditie of the In-
habitauntes receaueth in shyppes towardes euery parte
of the lande. The forefrontes or frontiers of the .ii.

THE SECOND BOKE OF UTOPIA 49

corners, what wythe fordys and shelues, and what with
rockes, be very ieoperdous and daungerous. In the
middel distaunce betwene them both standeth vp
aboue the water a great rocke, which therfore is
nothing perillous bicause it is in sight. Vpon the top 5
of this rocke is a faire and a strong towre builded,
which thei holde with a garison of men. Other rockes
ther be, that lye hidde vnder the water, and therefore
be daungerous. The channelles be knowen onely to
themselfes. And therfore it seldome chaunceth that 10
any straunger, oneles he be guided by a Vtopian, can
come in to this hauen. In so muche that they them
selfes could skaselie entre without ieoperdie, but that
their way is directed and ruled by certaine lande
markes standing on the shore. By turning, trans- 15
latynge, and remouinge this markes into other places,
they maye destroye their enemies nauies, be thei neuer
so many. The out side of the lande is also full of
hauens ; but the landing is so suerly defenced, what
by nature and what by workmanshyp of mans hande, 20
that a fewe defenders maye dryue backe many armies.
Howebeit, as they saye, and as the fassion of the
place it selfe doth partely shewe, it was not euer com
passed about with the sea. But kyng Vtopus, whose
name as conquerour the Hand beereth (for before that 25
tyme it was called Abraxa), which also brought the
rude and wild people to that excellent perfection, in al
good fassions, humanitie, and ciuile gentilnes, wherin
tjiey now go beyond al the people of the world ; euen
atnis first arriuinge and enteringe vpon the lande, 30
furth with obteynynge the victoiy caused .xv. myles
space of vplandyshe grounde, where the sea had no
passage, to be cut and dygged vp ; and so brought the
sea rounde aboute the lande. He set to thys worke
not only the inhabitauntes of the Hande (because they 35
should not thynke it done in contumelye and despyte),
but also all hys owne soldiours. Thus the worke,
beyng diuyded into so great a numbre of workamen,

50 THE SECOND JBOKE

was with exceding maruelous spede dyspatched. In
so muche that the borderers, whiche at the fyrst began
to mocke and to gieste at thys vayne enterpryse, then
turned theyr laughter to marueyle at the successe, and
to feare. 5

There be in the Ilande .liiii.Jlarge and faire cities or
shiere townes, agreyng alPEogether in one tonge, in
lyke maners, institucions, and lawes. They be all set
and situate a lyke, and in all poyntes fashioned a lyke,
as farfurth as the place or plotte suft'ereth. Of thies 10
cyties they that be nighest together be xxiiii. myles
a sender. Again there is none of them distaunt from
the next aboue one dayes iorneye a fote.

There cum yearly to Amaurote out of euery cytie .iii.
olde men, wyse and well experienced, there to entreate 15
and debate of the common matters of the lande. For
thys cytie (because it standeth iust in the myddes of
the Ilande, and is therfore moste mete for the embassa-
dours of all partes of the realme) is taken for the chiefe
and head cytie. The precinctes and boundes of the 20
shieres be so commodiously appoynted out, and set
furth for the cyties, that neuer a one of them all hath
of anye syde lesse then xx. myles of grounde, and of
som syde also muche more, as of that .part where the
cyties be of farther distaunce a sonder. None of the 2f
cities desire to enlarge the boundes and lymites of
X their shieres. For they count them selfes rather the
good husbandes, then the owners of their landes.

They haue in the countrey in all partes of the shiere
howses or fermes buylded, wel appointed and furnyshed 3(
with all sortes of instrumentes and tooles belongyng to
husbandrie. Thies houses be inhabited of the cytezens,
whiche cum thyther to dwel by course. No howsholde
or ferme in the countrey hath fewer then .xl. persones,
men and women, besydes two bonden men, whiche be 3
all vnder the rule and order of the good man and the
good wyfe of the house, beynge bothe very sage and
discrete persones. And euery .xxx. fermes or famelies

OF UTOPIA 51

haue one heade ruler, whiche is called a Phyjarr.he,
being as it were a hed baylyffe. Out of euery one of
thies famelies or fermes cummeth euery yeare into the
cytie .xx. persones whiche haue contynewed .ii. yeres
before in the countrey. In their place so manye freshe 5
be sent thither out of the citie, whiche of them, that
haue bene there a years all ready, and be therfore
expert and conninge in husbandry, shalbe instructed
and taught ; and they the next yeare shall teache
other. This order is vsed, for feare that other skarsenes 10
of victualles or some other like incommoditie shuld
chaunce through lacke of knowledge, yf they should
be al together newe and fresh and vnexperte in hus-
bandrie. This maner and fassion of yearlye-chjuing-
inge and renewinge the occupiers of hu&bandrie, though 15
it be solempne and customablie vsed, to thintent that
no man shall be constrayned against his wil to con-
tynewe longe in that harde and sharpe kynde of lyfe,
yet manye of them haue suche a pleasure and delete in
husbandry e, that they obteyne a longer space of yeares. 20
Thies husbandmen plowe and till the grounde, and
bryde vp cattell, and make readye woode, whiche they
carrye to the cytie, other by lande or by water, as they
maye moste conuenyently. They brynge vp a greate
multytude of pulleyne, and that by a meruelous policie. 25
For the hennes doo not syt vpon the egges : but by
kepynge them in a certayne equall heate, they brynge
lyfe into them, and hatche them. The chykens, assone
as they be come owte of the shell, followe men and
women in steade of the hennes. 30

They bryng vp very fewe horses ; nor non, but very
fearce ones ; and for none other vse or purpose, but
only to exercyse their youthe in rydynge and feates of
armes. For oxen be put to all the labour of plowynge
and drawyng. Whiche they graunte to be not so good 35
as horses at a sodeyne brunt, and (as we saye) at a dead
lifte ; but yet they holde opinion, that they wyll abyde
and suffre much more laboure and payne then horses

52 THE SECOND BOKE

wyl. And they thinke that they be not in daunger
and subiecte vnto so manye dysseases, and that they
bee kepte and maynteyned wyth muche lesse coste and
charge ; and fynally that they be good for meate when
they be past labour. 5

They sowe corne onlye for bread. For their drynke
is other wyne made of grapes, or els of apples or peares,
or els it is cleane water ; and many tymes methe made
of honey or liqueresse sodde in water, for therof they
haue great store. And though they knowe certeynlye 1
(for they knowe it perfectly in dede), how much
victayles the cytie with the hole countrey or shiere
rounde a boute it dothe spende ; yet they sowe much
more corne, and bryed vp muche more cattell, then
serueth for their own vse. And the ouerplus they
parte arnonge their borderers. What soeuer necessary
thynges be lackynge in the countrey, all suche stufi'e
they fetche out of the citie; where without anye ex-
chaunge they easelye obteyne it of the magistrates of
the citie. For euerye moneth manye of them goo into 2
the cytie on the hollye daye. When theyr haruest
daye draweth nere and is at hande, then the Philarches,
whiche be the hed officers and bayliffes of husbandrye,
sende woorde to the magistrates of the citie, what
iiumbre of haruest men is nedefull to bee sente to them 2.
out of the cytie. The

whiche company e of haruest men,

beyng there readye at the daye

appoynted, almoste in one

fayre daye dispatcheth

all the haruest

woorke.

Of UTOPIA 53

[CHAPTER II]

tlje

ties and namely of Amauroto.

As for their Cyties, he that knoweth one of them
knoweth them all : th^xi^§Jll]_§2Jyli£-^n6_i2.^B-^ier>
as ferfurth as the nature of the place permytteth. s
I wyll descrybe therfore to yowe one or oiher of them,
for it skylleth not greatly whych ; but which rather
then Amaurote ? Of them all this is the worthiest and
of moste dignitie. For the resydwe knowledge it for
the head Cytie, because there is the councell house. 10
Nor to me any of them al is better beloued, as wherin
I tyued fyue hole yeares together.

The cytie of Amaurote standeth vpon the syde of
a low hill, in fashion almoste four square. For the
bredeth of it begynneth a litle benethe the toppe 15
of the hyll, and styll contyneweth by the space of
twoo miles vntyll it cum to the ryuer of Anyder.
The lenghte of it whiche lyeth by the ryuers syde is
sum what more.

The ryuere of Anyder rysethe .xxiiii. myles aboue 20
Amaurote owte of a lytle sprynge. But beynge in-
creasede by other small floodes and broukes that runne
into yt, and amonge othere .ii. sumwhat bygge ons,
before the cytye yt ys halfe a myle brode, and farther
broder. And .lx. myles beyonde the citye yt falleth 25
into the Ocean sea. By al that space that lyethe
betwene the sea and the cytye, and a good sorte of
myles also aboue the Cytj^e, the water ebbethe and
flowethe .vi. houres togethere wyth a swyfte tyde.
Whan the sea flowethe in for the lenghte of xxx. so
myles, yt fyllethe all the Anyder wyth salte water,
and dryuethe backe the fresshe water of the ryuer.

54 THE SECOND BOKE

And sumwhat furthere yt cliaungethe the swetenes
of the freshe water wyth saltnes. But a letell beyoncle
that, the ryuer waxeth swet, and runneth forby the
city fresh and pleisaunt. And when the sea ebbeth,
and goyth backe agayn, the freshe water followeth yt 5
almoste euen to the verye falle in to the sea.

There goeth a brydge ouer the ryuer made not of
pyles or of tymber, but of stonewavke, with gorgious
and substanciall archeis at that parte of the cytye that
is farthest from the sea ; to the intent that shyppes 10
maye goo alonge forbie all the syde of the cytie with
out lette. They haue also an other ryuere, whiche
in dede is not very great. But it runneth gentelly
and pleasauntlye. For it ryseth euen out of the same
hyll that the cytie standeth vpon, and runneth downe 15
a slope through the myddes of the citie into Anyder.
And bicause it ryseth a lytle without the citie, the
Amaurotians haue inclosed the head sprynge of it
with stronge fences and bulwarkes, and so haue ioyned
it to the cytie. Thys is done to the intents that the 20
water should not be stopped, nor turned a waye, or
poysoned, if their enemyes should chaunce to come
vpon them. From thence the water is deryued and
brought downe in cannellis of brycke dyuers wayes
into the lower paries of the cytie. Where that cannot 25
be done, by reason that the place wyll not suffer it,
there they gather the rayne water in greate cisternes,
which doth them as good seruice.

The cytie is compassed aboute wyth a highe and
thycke walle, full of turrettes and bulwarkes. A drye 30
dyche, but deape and brode and overgrowen with
busshes, briers, and thornes, goeth about .iii. sydes
or quarters of the cytie. To the fowrth syde the
ryuer it selfe serueth for a dytche. The stretes be
appoynted and set forth verye commodious and hand- 35
some, bothe for carriage and also agaynst the wyndes.
The houses be of fayre and gorgious buyldyng, and in
the~streete syde they stonde ioyned together in a longe

OF UTOPIA 55

rowe throughe the hole streate without anye partition
or separacion. The stretes be twenty fote bi'ode. On
the backe syde of the houses, through the hole lengthe
of the strete, lye large jrardeynea, whyche be closed
in rounde about with the backe parte of the stretes. 5
Euery house hath two doores ; one into the strete, and
a posternne doore on the backsyde into the gardyne.
T4iyes_djx>res be made with two leaues, neuerlocked
nor boltedr so easye to be opened that they wlTfollowe
the least drawing of a fynger and shutte agayne by 10
themselfes. Euerye man that wyll maye goo yn, for /
there is nothynge wythin the howses that ys pryuate, x/
or annye mannes owne. And euerye .%.. yeare they
chaunge their howses by lotte.

They sett great stoore be thej*r gardeins. In them 15
they haue vyneyardes, all manner of frute, herbes,
and flowres, so pleisaunte, so well furnished, and so
fynelye kepte, that I neuer sawe thynge more frutefull
nor better trymmed in anny place. Their studye and
delygence herin cummeth not only of pleasure, but also 20
of a certeyne stryffe and contentyon that is betwene
strete and strete, concernynge the trymmynge, hus
banding, and furnyshyng of their gardeyns, euery
man for hys owne part. And verily yow shall not
lyghtly fynde in all the citye annye thynge that is more 25
commodyous, other for the proffyte of the citizins, or
for pleasure. And therfore it may seme that the first
fownder of the city mynded nothynge so rauche as he
dyd thies gardeyns.

For they say that kyng Vtopus himself, euen at the 30
first begenning, appointed and drew furth the platte
fourme of the city into this fasion and figure that
it hath nowe ; but the gallaunt garnishing, and the ,
bewtiful setting furth of it, wherunto he sawe that
one mans age wold not suffice, that he left to his 35
posterity. For their Cronicles, which they kepe
written with al deligent circumspection, conteining
the history of M .viic. Ix. years, euen from the fyrste

56 THE SECOND BOKE

conquest of the Hand, recorde and witnesse that the
howses in the beginning were verye lowe, and lyke
homelye cotages, or poore shepparde howses. made at
all aduentures of euerye rude pyece of woode that
came fyrste to handes, wyth mudde walles, and rydged 5
rooffes thatched ouer with straw. But nowe the houses
be curiously builded, after a gorgiouse and gallaunt
sort, with .iii. storries one ouer another. The owte
sydes of the walles be made other of harde Flynte
or of plauster, or elles of brycke ; and the ynner sydes 10
be well strengthened with tymber woorke. The
rooffes be playne and flatte, couered with a certayne
kinde of plaster, that is of no coste, and yet so
tempered that no fyre can hurte or peryshe it, and
withstaiideth the violence of the weether better then 15
anye leade. They kepe the wynde out of their
windowes with glasse^ for it-is there much vsed ; and
sumwhere also witli fyne lynnen clothe dipped in
oyle or ambre ; and that for twoo commodities. For
by thys meanes more lyght cummeth in, and the 20
wynde is better kept out.

OF UTOPIA 57

ggstrates.

Euerye Ihyrly families or fermes chewse them
yearlye an offycer, whyche in their olde language is
called the Syphograunte, and by a newer name., the 5
Phylarchfi. Euerye tenne Syphoagrauntes, with all
tKeir~3oo families, bee vnder an offycer whyche was
ones called the Tranibore, now the chiefe Phylarche.

Moreouer, as concerninge the electyon of the Prynce,
all the Syphoagrauntes, which be in number 200, first 10
be sworne to chewse him whome they thynke moste
mete and expedyente. Then by a secrete electyon
they name prynce one of those .iiii. whome the people
before named vnto them. For owte of the .iiii. quarters
of the citie there be .iiii. chosen, owte of euerye 15
quarter one, to stande for the election, whiche be put
vp to the counsell. The princes office contineweth
all his liffe time, onles he be deposed or put downe
for suspition of tirannye. They chewse the tranibores
yearlye, but lightlye they chaunge them not. All 20
the other offices be but for one yeare. The Tranibores
euerye thyrde daye, and sumtymes, if neade be, oftener,
come into the councell howse with the prynce. Theire
couricelLis concernynge the common wealth. Yf there
be annye controuersyes amonge the commoners, whyche 25
be very fewe, they dyspatche and ende them by and
by. They take euer ii. Siphograntes to them in
cowncell, and euerye daye a newe coupel. And that
ys prouydede that no thynge towchynge the common
wealthe shalbe confyrmed and ratifyed, on les yt haue 30
bene reasonede of and debatede iii. dayes in the cown
cell, before yt be decreed. It is 3ea~£he to haue annye

58

consultatyon for the common wealthe owte of the
cownsell, or the place of the common electyon. Thys
statute, they saye, was made to thentente, that the
pry nee and Tranibores myghte not easely conspire
together to oppresse the people by tyrannye, and to 5
chaunge the state of the weale publique. Therfore
matters of greate weyghte and importaurice be brought
to the electyon house of the syphograuntes, whyche
open the matter to their familyes ; and afterwarde,
when they haue consulted among them selfes, they 10
shewe their deuyse to the cowncell. Sumtyme the
matter is brought before the cowncell of the hole Ilande.
Furthermore thys custome also the cowncell vseth,
to dyspute or reason of no matter the same daye that
it ys fyrste proposed or putt furthe, but to dyfferre it to li
the nexte syttynge of the cownsell. Bycause that no
man when he hathe rasshelye there spoken that cum-
meth fyrste to hys tonges ende, shalt then afterwarde
rather studye for reasons wherewyth to defende and
confyrme hys fyrste folyshe sentence, than for the 2(
commodytye of the common wealthe ; as one rather
wyllyrige the harme or hynderaunce of the weale
publyque, then annye losse or dymynutyon of hys
owne existymatyon ; and as one that wolde not for
shame (which is a verye folyshe shame) be cowntede 2;
annye thynge ouerseen in the matter at the fyrste ;
who at the fyrste owghte to haue spoken rather
vvysely then hastely or rashelye.

OF UTOPIA 59

[CHAPTER IV]

€>f fcpcnccs :

Craftes ana HDccupatpons,

Husoandrye is a sc}*ence common to them all in-
general], both men and women, wherin they be all
experte and cunnynge. In thys they be all instructe 5
cuen from their youth ; partely in scholes witbTTracfP
tions and preceptes, a,nd partely in the contrey nighe
the cytye, brought vp as it wer in playing, not onlye
beholdynge the vse of it, but by occasyon of exercisinge
their bodies practising it also. 10

Besides husbandry, which (as I sayde) is common to ,
them all, euery one of them learneth one or other
seuerall and particuler science, as hys owne proper
crafte. That is most commonly other clothe-workinge
in wolle or flaxe, or masonrie, or the smythes crafte, 15
or the carpentes scyence. For there is none other
occupacyon that anye numbre to speke of doth vse
there. For their garm en tes, whyche through owte
all the Ilande Tie of one fassiojn, (sauynge that there
is a difference betwehe" the mans garmente and the 20
womans, betwene the maried and the unmaryed), and
this one continueth for euer more unchaunged, semely
and comely to the eye, no let to the mouynge and
weldynge of the bodie, also fitte bothe for winter and
summer ; as for thies garrnentes (I saj^e), euery familye 25
maketh theire owne. But of the other foreseyde
cfaftes euerye man learneth one ; and not only the
men, but also the women. But the women, as the
weaker sorte, be put to the easere craftes. They worke
wull and flaxe. The other more laborsome sciences be 30
committed to the men. For the moste parte euerye
man is brought vp in his fathers craft. For moste

60 THE SECOND BOKE

commonly they be naturally therto bente and in
clined. But yf a mans minde stonde to anny other,
he is by adoption put into a famelye of that occupa
tion which he doth most fantasy. Whome not only
his father, but also the magistrates do diligently .
looke to, that he be putt to a discrete and an honest
householder. Yea and if anny person, when he hath
lerned one crafte, be desierous to lerne also another,
he ys lykewyse suffrede and permytted. When he
hathe learned bothe, he occupyethe whether he wyll ; 1
onles the cytye haue more neade of the one then of the
otKer.

The chyefe and almoste the onelye oftyce of the
Syphograuntes ys to see and take hede that no_man
sytte ydle, but that euerye one applye hys owne.crafte 1
wyth earneste delygence ; and yet for all that not to ^
be weryed from earlye in the mornynge to late in the
euennynge wyth contynuall woorke, Tyke laborynge
and toylynge beastes. For thys ys worse then the
myserable and wretced condytyon of bondemen ; 2
whyche neuer the lesse is almoste euery where the
lyffe of woorkemen and artyfycers, sauynge in vtopia.
For they, dyuydinge the daye and the nyghte into
xxiiii. iust houres, appoynte and assygne only yL__of_
those houres to woorke ; iii. before none, vpon the 2
whyche they goo streyghte to dyner ; and after dyner,
when they haue rested ii houres, then they woorke
iii. ; and vpon that they goo to supper. Aboute viii.
of the clocke in the euenynge (cowntynge one of the
clocke at the fyrste houre after none) they go to bedde. 3
viii. houres they giue to sleape. All the voide time,
that is betwene the houres of woorke, slepe, and
meate, that they be suffered to bestowe, euerye man as
he lyketh beste hym selfe : not to thynferite they
shoulde myspende thys tyme in lyote, or slough- £
fullenes ; but, beynge then ly censed from the laboure
of theyr owne occupacyons, to bestowe the time wel
and thriftely vpon some other good science, as shall

OF UTOPIA 61

please them. For yt ys a solempne customs
haue lectures day lye . earlye_m_ the morning ; wher to
be present they onlye be constrained that be namelye
chosen and appoynted to leai-nynge. Howe be yt
a greate multytude of euerye sorte of people, bothe men 5
and^wolrien, i^oe^fco-heare lectures ; some one and some
an other, as euerye mans nature is inclyned. Yet,
this notwithstonding, yf any man had rathere bestowe
thys tyme vpon hys owne occupatyon (as yt chaunceth
in manye, whose myndes ryse not in the contem- 10
platyon of annye scyence lyberal), he is not letted nor
prohibited, but is also praysed and commended, as
profitable to the common wealthe.

After supper they^bgstowe one houre in playjg; in
somer in their gardeynes, in winter in their commen 15
halles, where they dyne and suppe. There they exer
cise them selfes in jmisyke, or els in honeste and
holsome communicacion. Diceplaye, and suche other
foilish and pernicious games, they knowe not ; but
they vse .ii. games not muche vnlike the chesse. The 20
one is the battell of nombers, wherin one numbre
stealethe awaye anotlier. The other is wherin vices
fyghte wyth vertues, as it were in battell array, or
a set fyld. In the which game is verye properlye
shewed bothe the striffe and discorde that vices haue 25
amonge themselfes, and agayne theire unitye and con-
corde againste vertues ; and also what vices be repug-
naunt to what vertues ; with what powre and strenght
they assaile them openlye ; by what wieles and subteltye
they assaute them secretelye ; with what helpe and 30
aide the vertues resiste, and ouercome the puissaunce
of the vices ; by what craft they frustate their
purposes ; and finally by what sleight or meanes the
one getteth the victory.

But here, lease you be deceaued, one thinge you 35
muste looke more narrowly vpon. For seinge they i
bestowe but vi. houres in woork, perchaunce yojj. maye
thinke that the lacke of some necessarye thinges herof

62 THE SECOND BOKE

may ensewe. But this is nothinge so. For that small
time is not only inough, but also to muche, for the
stoore and abundaunce of all thinges that be requisite,
other for the necessitie or commoditie of liffe. The
whiche thing yow also shall perceaue, if you weye and 5
consider with your selfes how great a parte of the
people in other contreis lyueth ydle. First, almoost
all women, which be the halfe of the hole numbre ;
or els, if the women be annye where occupied,,, their
most comonlye in their steade the men be ydle.
Besydes thys, how great, and ho we ydle a company e
ys theyr of prystes, and relygyous men, as they call
them? Put there to all ££che_jnen, speciallye all
landed men, whyche comomy be called gentylmen,
and noble men. Take into this numbre also their 1
seruauntes ; I meane, all that flocke of stout, bragging,
russhe bucklers. loyne to them also sturdy and
valiaunt beggers, clokinge their idle leffe vnder the
colour of some disease or sickenes. And truely you
shall find them much fewer then you thought, by 2
whose labour all these thynges be gotten, that men
vse and lyue bye. Nowe consyder wyth youre selfe,
of thies fewe that do woorke, how few be occupied in
necessary woorkes. For where money beareth all the
swing, ther many vayne and superfluous occupations 2
'f must nedys be vsed, to serue only for ryotous super-
fluyte and vnhonest pleasure. For the same multytude
that now is occupied in woorke, if they were deuided
into so few occupations as the necessary vse of nature
requyreth, in so greate plentye of thinges, as then of J
necessity wolde ensue, doubtles the prices wolde be to
lytle for the artifycers to maynteyne theyre lyuynges.
But yf all thyes, that be no we bisiede about vnpro fit-
able occupations, with all the hole flocke of them that
lyue ydellye and slouthfullye, whyche consume and i
waste euerye one of them more of thies thinges that
come by other mens laboure, then ii. of the work men
thernselfes doo ; yf all thyes (I saye) were sette to

OF UTOPIA 63

profy table occupatyons, yowe easelye porceaue ho we
lytle tyme wolde be enoughe, yea and to muche, to
stoore vs wyth all thynges that maye be requysyte
other for necessytye, or for commodytye ; yea, or for
pleasure, so that the same pleasure be trewe and 5
naturall.

And thys in Vtopia the thynge yt selfe maketh
manifesto and playne. For there in all the citye, wyth
the hole contreye or shyere adioynynge to yt, scaselye
500 persons of all the hole numbre of men and women, ia
that be nother to olde nor to weake to woorke, be
licensed from labour. Amonge them be the Sipho-
grauntes, which (though they be by the lawes exempte
and pryuyleged from labour) yet they exempte net
themselfes ; to the intent they maye the rather by 15
their example prouoke other to woorke. The same
vacation from labour do they also enioye, to whome
the people, persuaded by the commendation of the
priestes and secrete election of the Siphograntes, haue
geuen a perpetual licence, from labour to Iearnyng.j20
But if anny one of them proue ridtt accordinge to the
expectation and hoope of him conceaued, he is furth
with plucked backe to the company of artificers. And
contrarye wise, often yt chaunceth that a handicraftes
man doth so earnestly bestowe hys vacaunte and spare 25
houres in learninge, and through dilygence so prot'ytte
therin, that he is taken frome hys handy occupation,
and promoted to the company of the learned.

Owt of this ordre of the learned be chosen ambassa- y
dours, priestes, Tranibores, and finallye the prince him so
selfe ; whome they in their olde tonge call Barzanes,
and by a newer name, Ademus. The residewe of the
people being nother ydle, nother occupied about vn-
profitable exercises, it may be easely iudged in how
fewe liowres how much good woorke by them ma}re be 35
doone towardes those thinges that I haue spoken of.
This commodity they haue also aboue other, that in
the most part of necessary occupations they neade nott

64 THE SECOND BOKE

so muche worke, as other nations doo. For firste of
all the buildinge or repayring of houses asketh euery
where so manye mens continuall labour, bicause that the
vnth(r)yfty heyre suifreth the howses that hys father
buylded in contynewaunce of tyme to fall in decay. 5
So that which he myghte haue vpholden wyth lytle
coste, hys successoure is constreynede to buylde yt
agayne a newe, to hys greate chardge. Yea, manye
tymes also the howse that stoode one man in muche
rnoneye, anothere ys of so nyce and soo delycate 10
a mynde that he settethe nothynge by yt. And yt
beynge neglected, and therefore shortelye fallynge into
ruyne, he buyldethe vppe anothere in an othere place
wyth no lesse coste and chardge. But emonge the
Vtopyans, where all thynges be sett in a good ordre, 15
and the common wealths in a good staye, yt very
seldome chaunceth, that they chuse a new plotte to
buylde an house vpon. And they doo not only finde
spedy and quicke remedies for present fautes, but also
preuente them that be like to fall. And by this 2C
meanes their houses continewe and laste very longe
with litle labour and small reparacions; in so much
that this kind of woorkemen sumtimes haue almost
nothinge to doo ; but that they be commaunded to
hewe timbre at home, and to square and trime vp Zi
stones, to the intente that if annye woorke chaunce, it
may the spedelier rise.

Now, Syre, in theire apparell marke, I praye yow,
howe few woorkemen they neade. Fyrste of all,
whyles they be at woorke, they be couered homely 3(
with leather or skinnes that will last .vii. yeares.
When they go furthe a brode, they caste vpon them
a cloke, whyche hydeth the other homelye apparell.
Tliyes clookes thoroughe owte the hole Ilande be all
of one coloure, and that is the naturall colour of the &'
wul. They therfor do not only spende muche lesse
wullen clothe then is spente in othere contreys, but
also the same standeth them in muche lesse coste.

OF UTOPIA 65

/r*

But lynen clothe ys made wyth lesse laboure, and ys
therefore hadde more in vse. But in lynen clothe
onlye whytenese, in wullen onlye clenlynes, ys re-
gardede. As for the smalnese or fynesse of the threde,
that ys no thynge passed for. And thys ys the cause 5^ 4
wherfore in other places .iiii. or v. clothe gownes of
dyuers colours, and as manye sylke cootes, be not
enoughe for one man. Yea, and yf he be of the
delycate and nyse sorte, x. be to fewe ; where as there
one garmente wyll serue a man mooste cominenlye .ii. 10
yeares. For whie shoulde he desyre moo ? seing if he
had them, he should not be the better hapt or couered
from colde, nother in his apparell any whyt the
cumlyer.

Wherefore, seynge they be all exercysed in profyt- 15
able occupatyons, and that fewe artyfycers in the
same craftes be suffycyente, thys ys the cause that,
plentye of all thynges beynge emonge them, they doo
sumtymes bring furthe an innumerable companye of
people to amende the hyghe wayes, yf annye be 20
broken. Manye times also, when they haue no such
woorke to be occupied about, an open proclamation
is made that they shall bestowe fewer houres in
woorke. For_the magistrates do not exercise their
citizens againste theire willes in vnneadfull laboures. 25
For whie ? in the institution of that weale publique
this ende is onlye and chiefely pretended and mynded,
that what time maye possibly be spared from the
necessary occupations and affayres of the commen \ ^
wealthe, all that the cytizeins sholde withdrawe from 30
the bodely seruice to the free liberty of the mind and
gaTnisshing of the same. For herin they suppose the /
felicity of this liffe to consist.

V.

66 THE SECOND BOKE

[CHAPTER V]

£>f tijetr lj>*

uing and mutuall conuersation together.

But now will I declare how the citizens vse them-
selfes one towardes another ; what familiar occupieng
and enterteynement there is emong the people ; and 5
what fasion they vse in distributinge eueiy thynge.
First, the city consisteth of families : the families most
commohlie~ JfeeTna"de""6r'Tanredes. For the women,
when they be maryed at a lawfull age, they goo into
their husbandes houses. But the male chyldren, with 1C
al the hole male ofspring, continewe still in their
owne familie, and be gouerned of the eldest ^and
auncientest father, onles he dote for age ; for then
the next to hym in age is put in his rowme.

But to thintent the prescript numbre of the citezens 1,
shoulde nether decrease, nor aboue measure increase,
it is ordeined that no famylie, whiche in euerye citie
be vi. thousand in the hole, besydes them of the
contrey, shall at ones haue fewer chyldren of the age
of xiiii. yeares or there aboute then x., or mo then 2
xvi. ; for of chyldren vnder thys age no numbre can
be appointed. This measure or numbre is easely
obserued and kept, by puttinge them that in fuller
families be aboue the numbre into families of smaller
increase. But if chaunce be that in the hole citie the 2
stoore encrease aboue the iust numbre, therewith they
fyll vp the lacke of other cityes. But if so be that
the multitude throughout the hole Ilande passe and
excede the dew numbre, then they chewse out of
euery citie certeyn cytezens, and buylde vp a towne '
vnder their owne lawes in the nexte lande where the
inhabitauntes haue muche waste and vnoccupied

OF UTOPIA 67

grounde, receauinge also of the inhabitauntes to them,
if they wil ioyne and dwel with them. They, thus
ioyning and dwelling together, do easelye agre in one
fassion of liuing, and that to the great wealth of both
the peoples. For they so brynge the matter about by 5
their lawes, that the grounde which before was nether
good nor profitable for the one nor for the other, is
nowe sufficiente and frutefull enough for them both.
But if the inhabitauntes of that lande wyll not dwell
with them, to be ordered by their lawes, then they 10
dryue them out of those boundes, which they haue
limited and apointed out for themselues. And if they
resiste and rebell, then they make warre agaynst \ d
them. For they counte this the moste iust cause of
warre, when any people holdeth a piece of grounde 13
voyde and vacaunt to no good nor profitable vse,
kepyng other from the vse and possession of it, whiche
notwithstandyng by the lawe of nature ought thereof
to be nowryshed and relieued. If any chaunce do
so muche dimynishe the numbre of anye of their 20
cyties, that it cannot be fylled vp agayne wythout
the diminishynge of the iust numbre of the other
cyties (whiche they say chaunced but twyse syns the
begynnynge of the lande, through a greate pestilente
plage), then they make vp the numbre with cytezens 25
fetched out of their owne forreyne townes ; for they
hadde rather suffer theyr forreyn townes to decaye
and peryshe, then annye cytie of their owne Ilande to
be dimynyshed.

But nowe agayne to the conuersation of the cytezens 30
amonge themselfes. The eldeste (as I sayde) rueleth
the familie. The wyfes bee ministers to theyr hus-
bandes, the chyldren to theyr parentes, and, to bee
shorte, the yonger to theyr elders. Euerye Cytie is
diuided into foure equall partes. In the myddes of 35
euery quarter there is a market place of all manor
of thynges. Thether the workes of euery familie be
brought in to certeyne houses. And euery kynde of

F 2

68 THE SECOND BOKE

thynge is layde vp seuerall in barnes or store houses.
From hence the father of euery famelie or euery
housholder fetcheth whatsoeuer he and hys haue neade
of, and carieth it awaye with hym without money,
without exchaunge, without annye gage or pledge. 5
For whye should anye thynge be denyed vnto hym ;
seyng there is abundaunce of all thynges, and that
it is not to be feared lest anye man wyll aske more
then he neadeth ? For whie should it be thoughte
that that man would aske more then enough, which is 10
/'-' sewer neuer to lacke? Certeynly, in all kyndes of
lyuynge creatures, other fere of lacke doth cause
couetousnes and rauyne, or in man only pryde ; whiche
counteth it a gloryouse thynge to passe and excell
other in the superfluous and vayne ostentacion of 15
thynges. The whyche kynde of vice amonge the
Vtopians can haue no place.

Next to the market places that I spake of stonde
meate markettes, whether be brought not onlye all
sortes of herbes, and the fruites of trees with breade, 20
but also fishe, and all maner of iiii. footed beastes, and
wilde foule that be mans meate. But first the
fylthynes and ordure therof is clene washed awaye in
the runnynge ryuer, without the cytie, in places ap-
poynted, mete for the same purpose. From thence 25
the beastes (be) brought in kylled, and cleane wasshed
by the handes of their bondemen. For they permytte
not their frie citezens to accustome there selfes to the
killing of beastes ; through the vse whereof they thinke
that clemencie, the genteleste affection of our nature, 30
doth by litle and litle decaye and peryshe. Nother
they suffer anye thynge that is fylthye, lothesome,
or vnclenlye, to be brought into the cytie ; least the
ayre, by the stenche therof infected and corrupte,
shoulde cause pestilente diseases. 35

Moreouer euerye strete hath certeyne great large
halles sett in equal distaunce one from an other,
euerye one knowne by a seuerall name. In thies

OF UTOPIA 69

halles dwell the Syphograuntes. And to euery one
of the same halles be apoynted xxx._families, of ether
side xv. The stewardes of euery halle at a certayn
houre come in to the meate markettes, where they ^
receyue meate accordinge to the numbre of their 5
halles.

But first and chieflie of all, respect is had to the
sycke that be cured in the hospitalles. For in the
circuite of the citie, a litle without the walles, they
haue .iiii. hospitalles ; so bygge, so wyde, so ample, 10
and so lardge, that they may seme .iiii. litle townes ;
which were deuised of that bygnes, partely to thintent
the sycke, be they neuer so many in numbre, shuld
not lye to thronge or strayte, and therfore uneasely
and incomodiously ; and partely that they which were 15
taken and h olden with contagious diseases, suche as
be wonte by infection to crepe from one to an other,
myght be laid a part farre from the company of the
residue. Thies hospitalles be so well apointed, and
with al thynges necessary to health so furnished ; 20
and more ouer so diligent attendaunce through the
continual presence of cunnyng phisitians is geuen,
that though no man be sent thither against his will,
yet notwithstandinge there is no sicke persone in all
the citie, that had not rather lye there then at home 25
in his owne house. When the stewarde of the sicke
hath receiued suche meates as the phisitians haue
prescribed, then the beste is equally deuided among
the halles, according to the company of euery one,
sauing that there is had a respect to the prince, the 30
byshop, the tranibours, and to ambassadours, and all
straungers, if there be any, whiche be verye fewe and
seldome. But they also, when they be there, haue
certeyne houses apointed and prepared for them.

To thies halles at the set houres of dinner and 35
supper cummith all the hole Siphograuntie or warde,
warned by the noyse of a brasen trumpet ; except
such as be sicke in the hospitalles or els in their owne

/ j i </*•

70 THE SECOND BOKE

houses. Howe be it, no man is prohibited or forbid,
after the halles be serued, to fetch home meate out of
the market to his own house. For they knowe that
no man wyl doo it without a cause resonable. For
thoughe no^man be prohibited to dyne at home, yet 5
no man doth it willynglye, because it is counted a
pointe of small honestie. And also it were a follye to
take the payne to dresse a badde dyner at home, when
they maye be welcome to good and fyne fare so nyghe
hande at the hall. In this hal all vyle seruice, all 10
slauerie and drudgerye, with all laboursome toyle and
busines, is done by bondemen. But the women of
euery famelie by course haue the office and charge of
cokeiye, for sethinge and dressynge the meate, and
orderyng al thinges therto belonging. They syt at iii. 15
tables or moo, accordyng to the numbre of their
company. The men syt vpon the benche next the
wall, and the women agaynst them on the other syde
of the table ; that, if anye sodeyne euell should chaunce
to them, as many tymes happeneth to women with 20
chylde, they maye ryse wythout trouble or disturb-
aunce of anye body, and go thence into the nurcerie.

The nourceis sitte seuerall alone with their yonge
suckelinges in a certayne parloure apointed and deputed
to the same purpose, neuer without fire and cleane 25
water, nor yet without cradels ; that when they wyll
they maye laye downe the yong infauntes, and at their
pleasure take them out of their swathynge clothes and
holde them to the fyere, and refreshe them with playe.
Eueiy mother is nource to her owne chylde, onles 30
other death or syckenes be the let. When that
chaunceth, the wyues of the Siphograuntes quyckelye
prouyde a nource. And that is not harde to be done.
For they that can doo it do proffer themselfes to no
seruice so gladlye as to that. Because that there thys 35
kynde of pitie is muche praysed ; and the chylde that
is nouryshed euer after taketh hys nource for his owne
naturall mother. Also amonge the nourceis syt all

OF UTOPIA 71

the chyldren that be vnder the age of v. yeares. All
the other children of both kyndes, aswell boyes as
gyrles, that be vnder the age of marryage, doo jjther
seme at the tables, or els if they_Jbe_to yonge therto,
yet~tliey^stsnde by with meruelous~siIenceT That 5
which~6~is~giuen to them from the table they eate, and
other seuerall dynner tyme they haue none. The
Siphograunt and his wife sitteth in the middes of the
highe table, forasmuche as that is counted the honer-
ablest place, and because from thence al the hole 10
companye is in their syght. For that table standeth
ouer wharte the oner ende of the halie. To them be
ioyned ii. of the anctientest and eldest. For at euery
table they syt iiii. at a meesse. But if there be a
church standing in that Siphograuntie, or warde, then 15
the priest and his wyfe sitteth with the Siphograunte,
as chiefe in the company. On both sydes of them
sytte yonge men, and nexte vnto them agayne olde
men. And thus throughe out all the house equall of
age be sette together, and yet be myxte with vnequall 20 /
ages. Thys they saye was ordeyned, to the intent
that the sage grauitie and reuerence of the elders
should kepe the yongers from wanton licence of wordes
and behauiour ; for as muche as nothyng can be so
secretly spoken or done at the tabTe, but either they 25
that syt on the one syde or on the other must nedes
perceiue it. The disshes be not set downe in ordre
from the first place, but all the old men (whoes places
be marked with som speciall token to be knowen) be
first serued of there meate, and then the residue 30
equally. The old men deuide their dainties, as they
think best, to the yonger that sit of both sides them.
Thus the elders be not defrauded of their dewe
honoure, and neuerthelesse equall commoditie commeth
to euery one. 35

They begin euerye dynner and supper of reading
sumthing that perteineth to good maners and vertue.
But it is short, becawse no man shalbe greued therwith.

72 THE SECOND BOKE

Here of thelders take occasion of honest communica
tion, but nother sad nor vnpleasaunt. Howbeit, they
do not spend all the hole dyner time themselfes with
long and tedious talkes ; but they gladly here also the
yong men ; yea and do purposly prouoke them to 5
talke, to thentent that they maye haue a profe of euery
mans wit and towardnes or disposition to vertue,
which commonly in ye liberte of feasting doth shew
and vtter it selfe. Theire dyners be verye short ; but
there suppers be sumwhat longer ; because that after 10
dynner followeth laboure ; after supper sleape and
naturall reste ; whiche they thynke to be of no more
strengthe and efficacy to holsome and healthfull diges
tion. No supper is pas§e_d .without musicka.; nor their
bankettes lacfte""rio conceytes nor ionckettes. Xhey 15
burne swete gummes and speces for perfumes and
pleasaunt smelles, and sprincle about swete oyntmentes
and waters ; yea they leaue nothyng vndone that
maketh for the cheryng of the company. For they be
muche enclyned to this opinion : to thinke no kynde 20
of pleasure forbidden, wherof cummeth no harme.

Thus therfore and after this sorte they lyue togethers
in the citie ; but in the contrey they that dwell alone,
farre from anye neyghbours, do dyne and suppe at
home in their own houses. For no famelie there 25
lacketh anye kynde of victualles, as from whome
cummeth all that the cytezens eate and lyue bye.

OF UTOPIA 73

[CHAPTER VI]

I € Df tljeit

iourneyenge or trauaylynge a brode,

with dyuers other matters cun-

nyngly reasoned and witti-

lie discussed. 5

But if any be desierous to vysite other their fryndes '£„. 0
that dwel in an other Cytie, or to see the place it selfe.
they easelye obteyne lycence of their Siphograuntes
and Tranibores, oneles there T>ee som profitable let.
No man goeth out alone ; but a conipanye is sente 10
furth to gether with their princes letters, whiche do
te stifle that they haue licence to go that iorney, and
prescribeth also the day of their retourne. They haue
a wageyn geuen them, with a common bondman,
whiche driueth the oxen and taketh charge of them. 15
But onles they haue women in their company, they
sende home the wageyn againe, as an impediment and
a let. And though they carrye nothyng furth wit
them, yet in all their iorney they lacke nothing. For
whersoeuer they come they be at home. If they tary 20
in' a place longer then one day, than there euery one
of them falleth to his own occupation, and be very
gentilly enterteined of the workmen and companies of
the same craftes. If any man of his owne head and \ JT
without leaue walke out of his precinct and boundes, 35
taken without the princes lettres, he is brought again /
for a fugitive or a runaway with great shame and <-#,
rebuke, and is sharpely punished. If he be taken in
that faulte agayne, he is punished with bondage.

If an ye be desierous to walke a brode into the 30
fieldes, or into the contrey that belongeth to the same
citie that he dwelleth in, obteynyng the good will of

74 THE SECOND BOKE

his father, and the consent of his wife, he is not pro
hibited. But into what part of the contrey soeuer he
cummeth, he hath no meat geuin him untill he haue
wrought out his forenones taske, or els dispatched so
muche worke as there is wonte to be wrought befor 5
supper. Obseruing this lawe and condition, he may
go whether he well within the boundes of his owne
citie. For he shalbe no les profitable to the citie, then
if he were within it.

Now yow see howe litle libertie they haue to loyter ; K
how they can haue no cloke or pretence to ydelnes.
There be nether wyn tauernes, nor ale houses, nor
stewes, nor any occasion of ujce or wicked nes, no
lurking corners, no places of wicked councelles or
vnlawfull assembles ; but they be in the present sight, 1
and vnder the iyes of euery man ; so that of necessitie
they must other applie their accustomed labours, or
else recreate themselfes with honest and laudable
pastymes.

This fassion being vsed among the people, they 2
must of necessitie haue store and plentie of all thinges.
And seing they be al therof parteners equally, therfore
cane no man there be poore or nedye. In the councel
of Amaurot (whether, as I sayde, euery citie sendeth
.iii. men a pece yearly), assone as it is perfectly 2
knowen of what thynges there is in euery place plentie,
and agayne what thynges be skant in anye place ;
incontinent the lacke of the one is performed and
fylled vp with the aboundaunce of the other. And
this they doo frelye without any benifite, takyng nothing 3
agayn of them to whom the thinges is geuen ; but
those cyties that haue geuen of their store to anye
other cytie that lacketh. requyrynge nothynge agayne
of the same cytie, do take suche thinges as they
lacke of an other cytie, to whome they gaue nothynge. 3
So the hole Ilande is as it were one famelie or
housholde.

But when they haue made sufficiente prouision of

OF UTOPIA 75

stoore for them selfes (whiche they thynke not doone
untyll they haue prouyded for two yeares followynge,
bicause of the vncertentie of the nexte yeares proffe), ,t>
then of those thynges wherof they haue abundaunce
they carry furthe into other contreis greate plenty ; 5
as gi'ayne, honnye, wulle, flaxe, woode, madder, purple
die felles, waxe, tallowe, lether, and liuyng beastes.,^ &•
And the seuenth part of all thies thynges they gyue
franckely and frelye to the poore of that contrey. .
The resydewe they sell at a reasonable and meane 10 f"
price. By this trade of traffique or marchandise, they
bring into their own contrey not only great plentie
of golde and sillier, but also all suche thynges as they
lacke at home, whych is almoste nothynge but Iron.
And by reason they haue longe vsed thys trade, nowe 15
they haue more abundaunce of thies thynges then any
man wyll beleue. Nowe, therfore, they care not
whether they sell for reddye moneye, or els vpon
truste to be paide at a daye, and to haue the most
part in debtes. But in so doyng they neuer followe 20
the credence of pryuat men, but the assureaunce or
warrauntise of the hole citye, by instrumentes and
writinges made in that behalfe accordinglye. When
the daye of paymente is come and expyred, the cytye
gathereth vp the debte of the priuate dettours, and 25
putteth it into the common boxe, and so long hath
the vse and proffytte of it, vntyll the vtopians their
creditours demaunde it. The mooste parte of it they
neuer aske. For that thynge whyche is to them no
proffyte, to take it from other to whom it is proffytable, 30
they thinke it no righte nor conscience. But yf the
case so stande, that they must lende parte of that
money to an other people, then they requyre theyre
debte ; or when they haue warre. For the whyche
purpose onelye they keap at home al the treasure 35
which they haue, to be holpen and socoured by yt
other in extreame ieopardyes, or in suddeyne daungers ;
but especyallye and chieflye to hiere therwyth, and

76 THE SECOND BOKE

that f or vnreasonable greate wayges, straunge soldyours.
For they hadde rather put straungers in ieopardye
then theyre owne contreye men ; knowinge that for
moneye enoughe theire enemyes themselfes manye
tymes may be bowghte and solde, or els throughe 5
treason be sette togethers by the eares emonge them
selfes. For thys cause they kype an inestymable
treasure ; but yet not as a treasure ; but so they haue
yt and vse yt as in good faythe I am ashamede to
she we, fearynge that my woordes shal not be beleued. 1
And thys I haue more cause to feare, for that I knowe
howe dyffucultlye and hardelye I meselfe wolde haue
beleued an othere man tellynge the same, yf I hadde
not presentlye scene yt wyth myne owne iyes. For
yt muste nedes be, that howe farre a thing is dissonaunt 1
and disagreinge from the guyse and trade of the
hearers, so farre shall yt be owte of theyr beleffe.
Howe be yt, a wyse and indyfferente estymer of
thynges wyll not greatly marueil perchaunce, seing al
theyre other lawes and customes doo so muche dyfferre 2
from owres, yf the vse also of golde and syluer amonge
them be applyed rather to theyr owne fassyons then
to owers. I meane, in that they occupye not moneye
themselfes, but kepe yt for that chaunce ; whyche as
yt maye happen, so yt maye be that yt shall neuer2
come to passe.

In the meane tyme golde and syluer, whereof
moneye ys made, they doo soo vse, as none of them
dothe more estyme yt, then the verye nature of the
thynge deseruethe. And then who dothe not playnlye 3
see howe farre yt ys vnder Iron? as wythoute the
whyche men canne no better lyue then withowte
fyere and water ; whereas to golde and syluer nature
hathe geuen no vse that we may not wel lacke, yf that
the folly of men hadde not sette it in hygher estyma- 3
cyon for the rarenes sake. But, of the contrary parte,
nature, as a moste tender and louynge mother, hath
placed the beste and moste necessarye thynges open

OF UTOPIA 77

a brode ; as the ay ere, the water, and the earth it
selfe ; and hath remoued and hydde farthest from
vs vayne and vnprofytable thynges. Therfore yf thies
metalles among them shoulde be fast locked vp in
some tower, it myghte be suspected that the prynce ?
and the cowncell (as the people is euer foolyshelye
ymagininge) intended by some subtyltye to deceaue
the commons, and to take some proffette of it to
themselfes. Furthermore, if they should make therof
plat and such other finely and cunningly wrought 10
stuffe ; yf at anye tyme they shoulde haue occasyon
to breake it, and melte it agayne, and therwyth to
paye their souldiours wages ; they see and perceiue
very well that men wolde be lothe to parte from those
thynges that they ons begonne to haue pleasure and 15
delyte in.

To remedye all thys, they haue fownde owt a

j meanes, which, as it is agreable to al their other

j lawes and customes, so it is from ours, where golde

\ is so muche set by and so delygently kepte, very farre 20

I discrepant and repugnaunt ; and therfore vncredible,

but only to them that be wise. For where as they

I eate and drincke in earthen and glasse vesselles, which

! in dede be curiously and properlie made, and yet be

j of very small value ; of gold and siluer they make 25

i commonlye chamber pottes, and other like vesselles

; that serue for moste vile vses, not only in their common

halles, but in euery mans priuate house. Furthermore

of the^same mettalles they make greate cheynes with

I fetters~and giues, wherin they tye their bondmen. 30

Finally, who so euer for any offence be infamed, by

their eares hange ringes of golde ; vpon their fingers

. they were ringes of golde, and about their neckes

chaynes of gold ; and in conclusion their heades be

, tiede about with golde. Thus, by all meanes that 35

may be, they procure to haue gold and siluer emong

them in reproche and infamy. And therfore thies

metalles, which other nations do as greuously and

78 THE SECOND BOKE

sorroufully forgo, as in a maner from their owne
Hues : if they should all togethers at ones be taken
from the vtopians, no man there wold thinke that he
had lost the worth of one farthing.

They gather also peerles by the sea side, and 5
Diamondes and Carbuncles upon certein rockes ; and
yet they seke not for them ; but by chaunce finding
them they cutt and polish them. And therwith they
decke their yonge infanntes. Which, like as in the
first yeares of their childhod they make much and be h
fond and proud of such ornamentes, so when they ;
be a litle more growen in yeares and discretion, :
perceiuing that none but children do were such toies |
and trifeles, they lay them awaye euen of theyre owne
shamefastenes, wythowte annye biddyng of there
parentes : euen as oure chyldren, when they waxe
bygge, doo caste awaye riuttes, brouches, and puppettes.
Therfore thyes lawes and customes, whych be so farre
dyfferente from all othere natyons, howe diuers fanseys
also and myndes they doo cause, dydde I neuer so
playnlye perceaue, as in the Ambassadoures of the
Anemolians.

Thyes Ambassadoures came to Amaurote whyles I
was there. And by cause they came to entreat of greate
and weighty matters, those .iii. citizeins a pece out of
euery city were commen thether before them. But al
the Ambassadours of the next contreis, which had
bene there before, and knewe the fassions and maners
of the Vtopians, amonge whome they perceaued no
honoure geuen to sumptuous and costelye apparrell,
silkes to be contemned, golde also to be enfamed and
reprochefull, were wont to come thether in very homely
and simple apparrell. But the Anemolianes, bicause
they dwell farre thence, and had verye litle acquain-
taunce with them, hearinge that they were al apparelled
a like, and that verye rudely e and homelye, thynkynge
them not to haue the thynges whyche they dydde not
weare, beynge therefore more proud then wise, deter-

OF UTOPIA 79

mined in the gorgiousnes of their apparel to represent
very goddes, and wyth the bright shynynge and
glisteringe of their gaye clothinge to dasell the eyes of
the silie poore vtopians. So ther came in iii. Ambas-
sadours with C. seruauntes all apparelled in chaunge- 5
able colours ; the moost of them in silkes ; the Arnbas-
sadours themselfes (for at home in their owne countrey
they were noble men) in cloth of gold, with great
cheines of gold, with gold hanging at their eares, with
gold ringes vpon their fingers, with brouches and 10
aglettes of gold vpon their cappes, which glistered ful
of peerles and pretious stones ; to be short, trimmed
and aduorned with al those thinges, which emong the -
vtopians were other the punnishement of bondmen, or ^
the reproche of infumed persones, or elles trifels for 15
yonge children to playe with all. Therfore it wolde
haue done a man good at his harte to Iiaue sene howe
proudelye they displeyed theire pecockes fethers ; howe
muche they made of their paynted sheathes ; and
howe loftely they sett forth and aduaunced them selfes, 20
when they compared their gallaunte apparrell with the
poore rayment of the vtopians. For al the people were
swarmed furth into the stretes. And on the other
side it was no lesse pleasure to consider howe muche
they were deceaued, and how farre they missed of their 25
purpose ; being contrary wayes taken then they thought
they shoulde haue bene. For to the iyes of all the
vtopians, excepte very fewTe, whiche had bene in other
contreys for some resonable cause, al that gorgeousnes
of apparrel seraed shamefull and reprochefull ; in so 30
much that they most reuerently saluted the vylest and
most abiect of them for lordes ; passing ouer the Am-
oassadours themselfes without any honour ; iudging
them, be their wearing of golden cheynes, to be bonde-
men. Yea, you shuld haue sene children also that had 35
caste away their peerles and pretious stones, when
they sawe the like sticking vpon the Ambassadours
cappes, digge and pushe their mothers vnder the sides,

80 THE SECOND BOKE

sayinge thus to them : ' Loke, mother, how great a
lubbor doth yet were peerles and pretious stoones, as
though he were a litel child still.' But the mother,
yea, and that also in good earnest : 'peace, sone,' saith
she ; ' I thynk he be some of the Ambassadours-fooles.' 5
Some fownde fawte at theire golden cheynes, as to no
vse nor purpose ; beynge so small and weake, that
a bondeman myghte easelye breake them ; and agayne
so wyde and large, that, when it pleased him, he
myght cast them of, and runne awaye at lybertye 1
whether he wolde.

But when the Ambassadoures hadde bene there a
daye or .ii., and sawe so greate abundaunce of gold so
lyghtelye estymed, yea, in no lesse reproche then yt
was wyth them in honour ; and, besydes that, more 1
golde in the cheynes and gyues of one fugytyue bonde
man, then all the ccstelye ornamentes of them .iii.
was worth ; they beganne to abate theyre currage, and
for verye shame layde awaye all that gorgyouse arraye
wherof theye were so prowde ; and specyallye wh< n 2
they hadde talkede famylyerlye wyth the Vtopyans,
and hadde learnede all theyre fassyons and opynyons.
For they marueyle that annye men be soo folyshe as
to haue delyte and pleasure in the glysterynge of a
, lytyll tryfelynge stone, whyche maye beholde annye 2
of the starres, or elles the soone yt selfe ; or that
annye man ys so madde as to counte him selfe the
nobler for the smaller or fyner threde of wolle, whyche
selfe same woll (be it nowe in neuere so fyne a sponne
threde) dyde ones a shepe weare ; and yet was she all £
that time no other thing then a shepe.

They marueyle also that golde, whyche of the owne
nature is a thynge so vnprofytable, is nowe emonge
all people in soo hyghe estymatyon, that man hym
selfe, by whom, yea and for the vse of whome, yt ys i
so muche sett by, ys in muche lesse estymatyon then
the golde yt selfe. In so muche that a lumpyshe
blockehedded churle, and whyche hathe no more wytte

OF UTOPIA 81

then an asse, yea, and as full of noughtenes and
folyshenes, shall haue neuertheles many wyse and
good men in subiectyon and bondage, onlye for thys,
by cause he hathe a greate heape of golde. Whyche yf
yt should be taken from hyme by annye fortune, or 5
by some subtyll wyle of the lawe, (which no lesse then
fortune doth raise vp the lowe, and plucke downe the
high) and be geuen to the most vile slaue and abiect
dreuell of all his housholde, then shortely after he
shall goo into the seruice of his seruaunt, as an aug- 10
mentation or an ouerplus besyd his money. But they
much more marueill at and detest the madenes of ,
them, whyche to those riche men, in whose debte and
daunger they be not, do giue almoste diuine honowres,
for non other consideration, but bicause they be riche ; 15
and yet knowing them to be suche nigeshe penny
fathers, that they be sure, as long as they liue, not the
worthe of one farthinge of that heape of gold shall
come to them.

Thies and such like opinions haue they conceaued, 20
partely by education, beinge brought vp in that
common wealth, whose lawes and customes be farre
different from thies kindes of folly, and partely by
good litterature and learning. For though ther be
not many in euery citye, whiche be exempte and dis- 25
charged of all other laboures, and appointed only to
learninge ; that is to saye, suche in whome euen from
theire very childhode they haue perceaued a singuler
towardnes, a fyne witte, and a minde apte to good
learning ; yet all in their childhode be instructe in 30
learninge. And the better parte of the people, bothe
men and women, throughe owte all theire hole lyffe,
doo bestowe in learninge those spare howres, which
we sayde they haue vacante from bodelye laboures.
They be taughte learninge in theire owne natyue tonge. 35
For yt is bothe copious in woordes, and also pleasaunte
to the eare, and for the vtteraunce of a mans minde
verye perfecte and sure. The mooste parte of all that

82 THE SECOND BOKE

syde of the wordle vseth the same langage ; sauinge
that amonge the Vtopians yt is fyneste and puryste ;
and accordynge to the dyuersytye of the contreys yt
ys dyuerslye alterede.

Of all thyes Philosophers, whose names be here 5
famous in thys parte of the wordle to vs knowen,
before owre cummynge thether, nott as muche as the
fame of annye of them was comen amonge them ; and
yett in Musycke, Logycke, Arythmetyke, and Geo-
metrye, they haue fownde owte in a manner all that 10
oure auncvente Philosophers haue tawghte. But as
they in all thynges be almoste equall to our olde
auncyente clerkes, so our newe Logiciens in subtyll
inuentyons haue farre passed and gone beyonde them.
For they haue not deuysed one of all those rules of 15
restryctyons, amply fycatyons, and supposytyons, very
wittelye inuented in the small Logycalles, whyche
heare oure chyldren in euerye place do learne. Further
more they were neuer yet able to fynde out the seconde
intentyons ; in so muche that none of them all coulde 2C
euer see man hymselfe in comrnen, as they call hym ;
thoughe he be (as yow knowe) bygger then euer was
annye gyaunte, yea, and poynted to of vs euen wyth
our fynger. But they be in the course of the starres,
and the mouynges of the heauenlye spheres, verye 2.'
expert and cunnynge. They haue also wyttelye ex-
cogytated and diuised instrumentes of diuers fassyons,
wherin is exactly comprehended and conteyned the
mouynges and sytuatyons of the sonne, the moone,
and of all the other starres which appere in theyre 3
horyzon. But as for the amityes and dissentyons of
the pianettes, and all that deceytefull diuynatyon by
the starres, they neuer asmuch as dreamed therof,
Eaynes, windes, and other courses of tempestes they
knowe before by certein tokens, which they haue 2
learned by long vse and obseruation. But of the
causes of all thies thinges, and of the ebbinge, flowinge,
and saltenes of the sea, and fynallye of the orygynall

OF UTOPIA 83

begynnyng and nature of heauen and of the wordle,
they holde partelye the same opynyons that our olde
philosophers holde ; and partelye, as our philosophers
vaiye emonge themselfes, so they also, whiles they
bringe new reasons of thynges, doo disagree from all 5
them, and yet emonge themselfes in all poyntes they
doo not accorde.

In that part of philosophie which intreateth of
manners and vertue, theire reasons and opynyons agree
wyth ours. They dyspute of the good qualytyes of 10
the sowle, of the body, and of fortune ; and whether
the name of goodnes maye be applied to all thies, or
onlie to the endowmentes and giftes of the sowle.
They reason of vertue and pleasure. But the chiefe
and principall question is in what thynge, be yt one 15
or moOj^ the felycytye of man cbnsisteth". JtJut in thys
pbynte they§~seme~ almooste to muche geuen and
enclyned to the opinion of them whiche defende
pleasure ; wherin they determine other all or the*
cmeTyste parte of mans felycytye to reste. And (whyche 20
is more to bee marueled at) the defence of thys soo
deyntye and delycate an opynyon they fetche euen
from theyre graue, sharpe, bytter, and rygorous
relygyon. For they neuer dyspute of felycytye or
blessednes, but they ioyne to the reasons of Philosophye 25 .
certeyne pryncyples taken owte of retygyon ; wythoute
the whyche, to the inuestygatjTon of trewe felycytye,
theye thynke reason of yt selfe weak and vnperfecte.
Thoose pryncyples be thyes and suche lyke : That the •
sowle ys immortal 1, and by the bountifull goodnes of SO
God~ordeyned to felicitie: That to our vertues and
good deades rewardes be apoyhted after this lyfe, and
to our euell deades punyshementes. Though thies be
perteynyng to religion, yet they thynke it mete that »
they shoulde be beleued and graunted by profes of 35
reason. But if thies principles were condempned and
dysanulled, then without anye delaye they pronounce
no man to be so folish, whiche woulde not do all hys

O 2

84 THE SECOND BOKE

diligence and endeuoure to obteyne pleasure be ryght
or wronge, onlye auoydynge this inconuenience, that
the lesse pleasure should not be a let or hynderaunce
to the bygger ; or that he laboured not for that plea
sure whiche would bryng after it displeasure, greefe, 5
and sorrowe. For they iudge it extreame madnes to .
folowe sharpe and peinful vertue, and riot only to '
bannyshe the pleasure of lyfe, but also wyllyngly
to suffre grief without any hope of proffyt thereof.
For what proffyt can there be, if a man, when he hath 10
passed ouer all hys lyfe vnpleasauntly. that is to say, ,
wretchedlye, shall haue no rewarde after hys death ?
But now, syr, they thynke not felicitie to resie-in all
pleasure, but onlye in that pleasure that is good and •
honest ; and that hereto, as to perfet blessednes, our 15
nature is allured and drawen euen of vertue ; wherto
only they that be of the contrary opinion do attribute
felicitie. For they define vertue to be a life ordered •
according to nature ; and that we be hereunto ordeined-
of god ; and that he doth folio we the course of nature, .20
which in desiering and refusyng thynges is ruled by
reason. Furthermore, that reason doth chiefelie and
pryncipallye kendle in men the loue and veneration of
the deuyne maiestie ; of whoes goodnes it is that we be, *
and that we be in possibiJitie to attayne felicite. And 25
that, secondarely, it moueth and prouoketh vs to leade
our lyfe out of care in ioye and myrth, and to helpe all
other, in respecte of the sosiete of nature, to obteyne
the same. For there was neuer man so earnest and :
paynefull a follower of vertue, and hater of pleasure, &
that woulde so inio)rne you laboures, watchir.ges, and
fastinges, but he would also exhort you to ease and
lighten to your powre the lacke and myserye of
others ; praysyng the same as a dede of humanitie
and pitie. Then if it be a poynte of humanitie for man 3i
to bryng health and comforte to man, and speciallye
(whiche is a vertue moste peculiarlye belongynge to
man) to mitigate and assuage the grief of others, and

Or UTOPIA 85

by takyng from them the sorowe and heuynes of lyfe,
to restore them to ioye, that is to saye to pleasure ;
whye maye it not then be sayd that nature doth
prouoke euerye man to doo the same to hymselfe?

For a ioyfull lyfe, that is to saye, a pleasaunt lyfe, 5
is other euell ; and if it be so, then thou shouldest
not onlye helpe no man therto, but rather, as muche
as in the lieth, helpe all men from it, as noysome
and hurtefull ; or els, if thou not onlye mayste, but
also of dewtie art bounde to procure it to others, why 10
not chiefely to theself, to whome thou art bound to
shewe as muche fauour as to other ? For when natur
biddeth the to be good and gentle to other, she com-'
maundeth the not to be cruell and vngentle to the
selfe. Therfore euen very nature (saye they) pre- 15
scribith to vs a ioyfull lyfe, that is to saye, pleasure,
as the encle of all our operations. And they defyne
vertue to be lyfe ordered accordyng to the prescrypt •
of nature. But in that that nature dothe allure and
prouoke men one to healpe an other to lyue merilye 20
(whiche suerlye she doth not without a good cause ;
for no man is so farre aboue the lot of mans state
or condicion, that nature doth carke and care for
hym only, whiche equallye fauoureth all that be
comprehended vnder the communion of one shape, 25
forme, and fassion), verely she commaundeth the to
vse diligent circumspection, that thou do not so seke
for thine owne commodities, that thou procure others
incommodities.

Wherfore their opinion is, that not onlye coue- 30
nauntes and bargaynes made amonge priuate men ought
to be well and faythfullye fulfylled, obsenied, and
kept, but also commen lawes ; whiche other a good
prince hath iustly publyshed, or els the people, nother
oppressed with tyranny, nother deceaued by fraude 35
and gyell, hath by their common consent constitute
and ratifyed, concernyng the particion of the com
modities of lyfe, — that is to say, the matter of pleasure.

86 THE SECOND BOKE

Thies lawes not offendid, it is wysdome that thou
looke to thyne own wealth e. And to do the same for
the common wealth is no lesse then thy duetie, if thou
bearest any reuerent loue or any naturall zeale and
affection to thy natiue contrey. But to go about to 5
let an other man of his pleasure, whiles thou procurest
thyne owne, that is open wrong. Contrary wyse, to
withdrawe somethynge from they selfe to geue to
other, that is a pointe of humanitie and gentylnes ;
whiche neuer taketh a waye so muche commoditie, as 10
it bryngeth agayne. For it is recompensed with the
retourne of benefytes ; and the conscience of the good
dede, with the remembraunce of the thankefull loue
and beneuolence of them to whom thou hast done it,
doth brynge more pleasure to thy mynde, then that 15
whiche thou hast withholden from thy selfe could
haue brought to the bodye. Finallye (which to a
godly disposed and a religious mind is easie to be
• persuaded), God recompenseth the gifte of a short
and small pleasure with great and euerlasfcinge ioye. 20
Therfore, the matter diligentlie wayde and considered,
thus they thinke : that all our actions, and in them
the vertues themselfes, be referred at the last to

) pleasure, as theire ende and felicitie.

Pleasure they call euery motion and state of the 2J
^ bodie or mynde, wherin man hath naturally delecta
tion. Appetite they ioyne to nature, and that not
without a good cause. For like as not only the
senses, but also right reason, coueteth whatsoeuer
is naturally pleasaunt ; so that it may be gotten with- 31
out wrong or iniurie, not letting or debarring a greater
pleasur, nor causing painful labour ; euen so those
thinges that men by vaine ymagination, do fayne
against nature to be pleasaunt (as though it lay in
their powre to chaunge the thinges as they do the 8
names of thinges), al suche pleasure they beleue to
be of so small helpe and furtheraunce to felicitie, that
they counte them great let and hinderaunce ; because

OF UTOPIA 87

that, in whom they haue ones taken place, all his
mynde they possesse with a false opinion of pleasure ;
so that there is no place left for true and naturall
delectacions. For there be nianye thynges, whiche of
their owne nature conteyne no plesauntnes ; yea the 5
moste part of them muche grief and sorrow ; and yet,
through the peruerse and malicious flickering intice-
mentes of lewde and vnhoneste desyres, be taken not
only for speciall and souereigne pleasures, but also be
counted amonge the chiefe causes of life. 10

In this counterfeat kinde ofpleaguia-ifeey put them- .
that I speake of~before ; which, the be^r__gow^o_tlisy
hmia^on^ the better men they thynke themselfes. In
the whiche thynge they doo twyse erre. For they be
no lesse deceaued in that they thynke their gowne the 15
better, than they be in that they thinke themselfes
the better. For if you consider the profitable vse of
the garmente, whye shoulde wulle of a fyner sponne
threde be thought better, then the wul of a course
sponne threde ? Yet they, as though the one dyd 20
passe the other by nature, and not by their mistakyng,
auaunce themselfes and thinke the price of their owne
persones therby greatly encreased. And therfore the
honoure, whiche in a course gowne they durste not
haue lokyd for, they require as it were of dewtie for 25
their fyner gownes sake. And if they be passed by
without reuerence, they take it angerlye and disdayn-
fully.

And agayne is it not a lyke madnes to take a
pride in yayne and vnprofitable honoures? For what 30
naturall or trewe pleasure doest thou take of an other *
mans bare hede or bowed knees ? Will thys ease the
payne of thy knees, or remedy e the phrensie of thy
heade? In this ymage of counterfeyte pleasure, they
be of a maruelous madnes, which for the opinion of 35
nobilitie reioyse muche in their owne conceite, because
it was their fortune to come of suche auncetours,
whoes stocke of longe tyme hath bene counted ryche 4

88 THE SECOND BOKE

• (for nowe nobilitie is nothynge elles), specially ryche
in landes. And though their auncetours left them not
one fote of lande, or els they themselfes haue pyssed
it agaynste the walles, yet they thynke themselfes not
the lesse noble therefore of one heare. 5

In thys numbre also they counte them that take
pleasure and delyte (as I saide) in gemmes and
precious stones, and thynke themselues almoste goddes,
if they chaunce to gette an excellent one ; speciallye
of that kynde whyche in that tyme of their ovvne 10
contreye men is had in hyghest estimation. For one
kynde of stone kepeth not hys pryce styll in all
contreis, and at all tymes. Nor they bye them not
but taken out of the golde and bare ; no, nor so
nother, before they haue made the seller to sweare lc
that he wyll warraunte and assure it to be a trewe
stone and no counterfeyt geme. Suche care they take
lest a counterfet stone shoulde deceaue their eyes in
the steade of a right stone. But whye showldest
thou not take euen as muche pleasure in beholdynge 2(

. a counterfette stone, whiche thyne eye cannot discerne
from a ryght stone? They should both be of lyke
value to the, euen as to a blynde man. What shall

^1 saye of them that kepe superfluous ryches, to take
delectacion only in the beholdynge, and not in the vse 2
or occupyenge therof? Do they take trewe pleasure,
or els be they deceaued with false pleasure ? Or of
them that be in a contrary vice, hydynge the golde
whiche they shall neuer occupie, nor peraduenture
neuer see more ; and, whiles they take care leaste 3
they shall leese it, do leese it in dede? For what is
it elles, when they hyde it in the grounde, takynge
it bothe from their owne vse, and perchaunce from
all other mens also ? And yet thou, when thou haste
hidde thye treasure, as one out of all care, hoppest I
for ioye. The whyche treasure if it shoulde chaunce
to bee stoolen, and thou, ignoraunt of the thefte,
shouldest dye tenne yeares after ; all that tenne yeares

' OF UTOPIA 89

space that thou lyuedest, after thy money was stolen,
what matter was it to the whether it hadde bene
taken a waye, or els sauffe as thou lefteste it ? Truelye
bothe wayes lyke proffyt came to the.

To thyes so foolyshe pleasures they ioyne dycers, 5
whose madnes they knowe by heare say and not by
vse ; hunters also, and hawkers. For what pleasure
is there (saye they) in castynge the dice upon a table ;
which thu hast done so often, that if theire were anye
pleasure in it, yet the ofte vse myghte make the werye 10
therof? Or what delite can there be, and not rather
dyspleasure, in hearynge the barkynge and howlynge
of dogges ? Or what greater pleasure is there to be
felte, when a dogge folio we th an hare, then when a
dogge followeth a dogge ? for one thynge is done in 15
both ; that is to saye, runninge ; if thou haste pleasure
therein. But if the hope of slaughter, and the expec- L ±^
tation of tearynge in pieces the beaste dothe please
the, thou shouldest rather be moued with pitie to see
a seely innocent hare murdered of a dogge ; the weake 20
of the stronger ; the fearefull of the fearce ; the
innocente of the cruell and vnmercyfull. Therefore
aUthys exercyse of huntynge. as a thynge ynworthye
tcTEevsed of free men, the Vtopians haue reiected to
their bochers ; to the whiche crafte (as wee sayde 26
before) they appointe ther bondmen. For they__co.iuite
huntyng the loweste, vyleste, and moste abiecte parte *
ofjaocheryej^ and the other partes of it more profyt-
able and more honeste, as whiche do brynge muche
more commoditie ; and doo kyll beastes onlye for 30
necessytie. Where as the hunter seketh nothynge but
pleasure of the seely and wofull beastes slaughter and
murder. The whiche pleasure in beholdyng death
they thynke dothe ryse in the very beastes, other of
a cruell affection of mynde, or els to be chaunged in 85
continuaunce of time into crueltie, by longe vse of so
cruell a pleasure. Thies therfore and all suche lyke,
which be innumerable, though the common sorte of

90 THE SECOND BOKE

people doth take them for pleasures, yet they, seyng
there is no naturall pleasauntnes in them, do playnelye
determine them to haue no affinitie with trewe and
right pleasure. For as touchyng that they do com-
monlye moue the sence with delectacion (whiche 5
semeth to be a worke of pleasure) thys doth nothing
diminishe their opinion. For not the nature of the
thynge, but there peruerse and lewde custome is the
cause hereof ; whiche causeth them to accepte bitter
or sowre thinges for swete thinges ; euen as women 10
with childe, in their viciate and corrupt taste, thinke
pitche and tallowe sweter then anye honney. Howbeit
no mans iudgement, depraued and corrupte, other by
sickenes or by custome, can chaunge the nature of plea
sure, more then it can doo the natur of other thinges. 15

They make diuers kyndes of trew pleasures. For
som they attribute to the soule, and som to the bodye.
To the soule they gyue intellygence, and that delecta-
tion that cummeth of the contemplation of truthe.
Here vnto is ioyned the pleasaunt remembraunce of 20
the good lyfe past.

The pleasure <>f thft b™3y.a they deuide into ii.
partes. The fir^t-is when delectation is sensibly felte
and perceaued : whiche many times chaunceth by the
renewing and refresshyng of thoes partes which owre 25
naturall heate drieth vp : thys cummeth by meate
and drynke : and sumtymes whyles those thynges be
voided, wherof is in the body ouer great abundaunce.
This pleasure is felte when wee doo our naturall
easemente, or when we be doynge the acte of genera- 3C
tyon, or when the ytchynge of annye parte is eased
with rubbynge or scratchynge. Sumtimes pleasure
riseth, exhibitinge to any membre nothing that it
desireth, nor taking from it any payne that it feeleth ;
which for all that tikleth and moueth our senses with 3i
a certein secrete efficacy, but with a manifest motion,
and turneth them to it ; as is that which cummeth of
musicke.

OF UTOPIA 91

The second part of bodely pleasure they say is that
which consisTeth and resteth in the quiete and vpright
state of the body. And that truelye is euery mans
owne propre health, entermyngled and dysturbed wyth
no grieffe. For thys, yf yt be not letted nor assaulted 5
with no greiffe, is delectable of yt selfe, thoughe yt
be moued wyth no externall or outwarde pleasure.
For though it be not so plain and manyfeste to the
sense, as the gredye luste of eatynge and drynckynge,
yet neuerthelesse manye take it for the chyefeste 10
pleasure. All the Vtopyans graunte yt to be a ryghte
greate pleasure, and as you wolde saye the foundatyon
-and grownde of all pleasures ; as whyche euen alone
ys able to make the state and condytyon of lyffe
delectable and pleasaunte ; and, yt beynge ones taken 15
^awaye, there ys no place lefte for annye pleasure. For
to be wythowte greyffe, not hauinge health, that they
call vnsensybylyte and not pleasure. The Vtopians
haue longe agoo reiected and condempned the opynyon
of them, whyche sayde that stedfaste and quyete 20
healthe (for thys questyon also hath bene dylygentelye
debated emonge them) owghte not therefore to be
cownted a pleasure, bicause they saye yt can not be
presentlye and sensyblye perceaued and felte by some
owtwarde motion. But, of the contrarye parte, nowe 25
they agree almoste all in thys, that healthe ys a moste
sojiereygne pleasure. For seinge that in syckenes
(saye they) is grieffe, which is a mortal ennemie to
pleasure, euen as sicknes is to health, why shuld not
then pleasure be in the quietnes of health ? For they 30
say it maketh nothing to thys matter, whether you
saye that sickenes is a griefe, or that in sickenes is
griefe ; for all cummeth to one purpose. For whether
health be a pleasure it selfe, or a necessary cause of
pleasure, as fyer is of heate, truelye bothe wayes it 35
foloweth, that they cannot be without pleasure that
be in perfyt healthe. Furthermore, whyles we eate
(saye they), then health, whiche began to be appayred,

92 THE SECOND BOKE

fyghteth by the helpe of foode against hunger. In the
whych fighte whyles healthe by lytle and lytle getteth
the vpper hande, that same procedyng, and (as ye
would say) that onwardnes to the wonte strengthe
mynistreth that pleasure, wherbye wee be so refresshed. 5
Health therefore, whiche in the conflycte is ioyfull,
shall it not bee merye when it hathe gotten the
victory? But as sone as it hathe recouered thee pristy-
nate strengthe, whyche thinge onelye in all the fyghte
it coueted, shall it incontinent be astonied ? Nor shall 10
it not knowe nor imbrace the owne wealthe and
goodnes ? For that it is sayed healthe can not be felte,
this, they thinke, is nothing trew. For what man
wakynge, say they, feleth not hymselfe in health, but
he that is not ? Is there annye man so possessed 15
wyth stonyshe insensibilitie, or with the sleping sick-
nes, that he wyll not graunt health to be acceptable
to hym and delectable ? But what other thing is
delectation, than that whiche by an other name is
called pleasure ? 20

. They imbrace chiefely the pleasures of the mind.
For them they cownte the chiefist and most principall
of all. The cheyfe parte of them they thinke doth
come of the exercise of vertue, and conscience of good
lyffe. Of thies pleasures that the boddye ministreth 25
they geue the preemynence to helth. For the delyte
of eating and drincking, and whatsoeuer hath anny like
pleasauntnes, they determyne to be pleasures muche
-to be desiered, but no other wayes than for healthes
sake. For suche thynges of theyre owne propre nature 30
be not pleasaunte, but in that they resyste syckenes
preuelye steal ynge one. Therefore, lyke as yt ys a
wyse mans parte rather to auoyde syckenes, then to
wyshe for medycynes, and rather to dryue away and
put to flyghte carefull greyffes, then to call for com- 35
forte ; so yt ys much better not to neade thys kynde
of pleasure, then in sealynge the contrarye greyffe to
be eased of the same. The whyche kynde of pleasure

OF UTOPIA 93

yf annye man take for hys felycytye, that man muste
nedes graunte, that then he shall be in mooste fely
cytye, yf he lyue that lyffe whyche ys ledde in contyn-
uall honger, thurste, itchynge, eatynge, drynkynge,
scratchynge, and rubbynge. The whyche lyffe howe 5
not onlye foule yt is, but also myserable and wretched,
who perceauethe not ? Thyes dowteles be the baseste
pleasures of all, as vnpure , and vnperfecte. For they
neuer cum but accompanied wyth their contrary greiffes.
As with the pleasure of^eatinge is ioyned hunger, and 10
that after no very egal sort. , For of thies ii. the gryeffe
is bothe the more vehement, and also of longer con-
tinuaunce. For it rysethe before the pleasure, and
endeth not vntyll the pleasure dye wyth it.

Wherfore such pleasures they think not greatly to 15

be set by, but in that they be necessary. Howbeit
they haue delite also in thies, and thankfully knouledge
the tender loue of mother nature, which with most
plesaunt delectation allureth her children to that,
which of necessitye they be driuen often vse. For 20
how wretched and miserable should our liffe bej? if
thies daily greiifes of hunger and thrust coulde not
be dreuen away, but with bitter potions, and sower
medicines ; as the other deseases be, where with we
be seldomer trow bled ? But bewtye, strengthe, nemble- 25
nes, thies, as peculiare and pleasaunte giftes of nature,
tKey make muche of. But those pleasures which be
receaued by the eares, the iyes, and the nose ; which
nature willeth to be proper and peculiar to man (for no
other kind of liuing beastes doth behold the fayrenes 30
and the bewtie of the worlde, or is moued with anny
respect of sauours. but only for the diuersity of meates,
nother perceaueth the concordaunt and discordante
distaunces of soundes and tunes) thies pleasures (I say)
they accept and allowe, as certein pleasaunt reioysinges 35
of liffe. But in all thinges thys cautell they vse, that
a lesse pleasure hinder not a bigger, and that the x '
pleasur be no cause of dyspleasur ; whych they thinke

94 THE SECOND BOKE

to followe of necessytye, if the pleasure be vnhoneste.
But yet to dyspyse the comlynes of bewtye, to waste
the bodylye strengthe, to tourne nymblenes into
sloughishnes, to consume and make feble the boddye
wyth fastynge, to doo iniury to health, and to reiect 5
the other pleasaunte motyons of nature (onles a man
neglecte thies hys commodytyes, whyles he doth wyth
a feruent zeale procure the wealth of others, or the
commen proffytte, for the whyche pleasure forborne
he is in hope of a greater pleasure at Goddes hand) : 10
els for a vayne shaddowe of vertue, for the wealthe
and proffette of no man, to punyshe hymselfe, o>r to the
intente he maye be able courragiouslye to suffre aduer-
sityes, whyche perchaunce shall neuer come to hym :
thys to doo they thynke it a poynte of extreame mad- U
nes, and a token of a man cruelly minded towardes
hymselfe, and vnkynd towarde nature, as one so dys-
daynynge to be in her daunger, that he renounceth
and refuseth all her benefytes.

Thys is theire sentence and opinion of vertue and 2(
pleasure. And they beleue that by mans reason none
can be fownde trewer then this, onles annye godlyer be
inspyred into man from heauen. Wherin whether they
belyue well or no, nother the tyme dothe suffer us to
discusse, nother it ys nowe necessarye. For we haue 2
taken vpon vs to shewe and declare theyr lores and orde-
naunces, and not to defende them.

But thys thynge I beleue verely : howe soeuer thies
decrees be, that their is in no place of the wordle nother
a more excellent people, nother a more flouryshynge 3
commen wealthe. They be lyghte and quy eke of boddy,
full of actiuity and nymblenes, and of more strengthe
then a man wold iudge them by theyre stature, whyche
for all that ys not to lowe. And thoughe theyre soyle
be not verye frutefull, nor theyre ayer verye holsome, i
yet agaynste the ayer they soo defende them wyth
temperate dyete, and soo order and husbande theyr
grounde wyth dylygente trauayle, that in no contreye

OF UTOPIA 95

ys greatter increase, and plentye of corne and cattell,
nor mens bodies of longer liffe, and subiect or apte to
fewer deseases. There, therfore, a man maye see well
and diligentlye exploited and furnished, not onlye
those thinges whiche husbandmen doo commenly in 5
other countreys ; as by craft and cunning to remedy
the barrennes of the grounde ; but also a hole wood by
the handes of the people plucked vp by the rotes in
one place and sett agayne in an other place. Wherin
was hadde regard and consideration not of plenty but 10
of commodious carriage ; that wood and tymber might
be nigher to the sea, or the riuers, or the cities. For
it is lesse laboure and busines to carrye grayne farre
by lande then wood. The people be gentle, merye,
quycke, and fyne wytted, delytynge in quyetnes, and, JS
when nede requyreth, able to abyde and suffre muchey
bodelye laboure. Elles they be not greatelye desyerous j
and fonde of yt ; but in the exercyse and studdye of/-
the mynde they be neuer werye.

When they had harde me speake of the Greke lytter- 20
[ar]ature or learnynge (for in Latyne theyre was
nothynge that I thougthe they wolde greatelye allowe,
besydes hystoryens and Poetes), they made wonderful!
earneste and importunate sute vnto me, that I wolde
teache and instructe them in that tonge and learnynge. 25
I beganne therefore to reade vnto them ; at the fyrste,
truelye, more bycause I wolde not seme to refuse the
laboure, then that I hooped that they wolde annye
thyng proffytte therin. But when I had gone forwarde
a lytle, and perceaued incontynente by theyr dylygence 30
that my labour should not be bestowed in vayne ; for
they beganne so easelye to fassyon theyre letters, so
plainly to pronounce the woordes, so quyckely to learne
by harte, and so suerly to rehearse the same, that I
marueled at it ; sauynge that the most parte of them 35
were fyne and chosen wittes, and of rype age, pyked
oute of the companye of the learned men, whyche not
onlye of theyr owne free and voluntarye wyll, but also

96

by the commaundemente of the cowncell, vndertoke
to learne thys langage. Therfore in lesse then iii. yeres
space their was nothing in the Greke tonge that they
lackede. They were able to reade good authors wythout
anny stnye, if the booke were not false. 5

Thys kynde of learnynge, as I suppose, they toke
so muche the souner, bycause it is sumwhat allyaunte
to them. For I thynke that thys nation tooke their
beginninge of the Grekes, bycause their speche, which in
all other poyntes is not muche vnlyke the persian tonge, 10
kepeth dyuers signes and tookens of the greke langage
in the names of their cityes and of theire magystrates.
They haue of me (for, when I was determyned to entre
into my .iiii. voyage, I caste into the shippe in the steade
of marchandyse a pretye fardell of bookes, bycause 1 15
intended to come agayne rather neuer than shortelye) the
mooste parte of Platoes woorkes ; more of Aristotles ;
also Theophrastus of Plantes, but in diuers places (which
I am sorye for) vnperfecte. For whyles wee were
saylynge, a mormosett chaunced vpon the booke, as yt 20
was neglygentlye layde by ; whyche, wantonlye playinge
therewyth, plucked owte certeyne leaues, and toore
them in pieces. Of them that haue wrytten thegrammer,
they haue onelye Lascaris. For Theodorus I caried
not wyth me ; nor neuer a dyctyonarye, but Hesichius 2£
and Dioscorides. They sett greate stoore by Plutarches
bookes. And they be delyted wyth Lucianes merye
conceytes and iestes. Of the Poettes they haue Aris
tophanes, Homer, Euripides, and Sophocles in Aldus
small prynte. Of the Historyans they haue Thucidides, 3(
Herodotus, and Herodian. Also my companion, Tricius
Apinatus, caried with him phisick bokes, certein smal
woorkes of Hippocrates, and Galenes Micrptechne ; the
whyche boke they haue in greate estymatyon. For
thoughe there be almost no nation vnder heauen that Si
hath lesse nede of Phisick then they, yet, this notwith-
standyng, Phisicke is no where in greater honour;
bycause they count the knowlegde of yt emonge the

OF UTOPIA 97

goodlieste, and mooste profytable partes of Philosophie.
For whyles they by the helpe of thys Philosophie
searche owte the secrete mysteryes of nature, they
thynke that they not onlye receaue therby wonderfull
greate pleasur, but also obteyn great thankes and fauour 5
of the auctoure and maker therof. Whome they thynke,
accordynge to the fassyon of other artyfycers, to haue
sett furthe the maruelous and gorgious frame of the /
worlde for man to beholde ; whome onelye he hathe \
made of wy tte and capacytye to consydre and vnderstand w
the excellencye of so greate a woorke. And therefore,
saye they, dothe he beare more good wyll and loue to
the curyous and diligent beholder and vewere of his
woorke, and maruelour at the same, then he doth to
him, whycho lyke a very beaste wythowte wytte and 15
reason, or as one wythowte sense or mouynge, hath no
regarde to soo greate and soo wonderfull a spectacle.
The wyttes therefore of the Vtopians, inurede and
exercysed in learnynge, be maruelous quycke in the
inuentyon of feates, helpynge annye thynge to the 20
aduantage and wealthe of lyffe. Howebeyt, ii. feates
theye maye thanke vs for ; that is, the scyence of i
imprintyng, and the crafte of makynge paper : and yet
not onelye vs but chyefelye and pryncypallye them-
selfes. For when wee sheweda to them Aldus hys 25
prynte in bookes of paper, and told them of the stuffe
wher of paper is made, and of the feat of grauynge
letters, speakynge sumwhat more then wee colde
playnlye declare (for there was none of vs that knewe
perfectlye other the one or the other), they furthwyth 30
verye wyttelye coniectured the thynge. And where
as before they wrote onelye in skynnes, in barkes of
tryes, and in rides, now they haue attempted to make
paper and to imprint letters. And thoughe at the
fyrste yt proued not all of the beste, yet by often 35
assayinge the same they shortelye gott the feate of
bothe ; and haue so broughte the matter abowte, that
yf they had copyes of Greeke authores, they coulde

98 THE SECOND BOKE

lacke no bookes. But nowe they haue no moore then
I rehearsed before ; sauynge that by pryntynge of
bookes they haue multyplyed and increased the same
into manye thowsande of copyes.

Who soeuer cummeth thether to see the lande, 5
beynge excellente in annye gyfte of wytte, or throughe
muche and longe iournyenge well experiensed and sene
in the knowledge of manye countreys (for the whyche
cause wee were verye welcome to them), hym they
receyue and interteyne wonders gentyllye and louyng- 10
lye ; for they haue delyte to heare what ys done in
euerye lande. Howebeyt, verye few marchaunte men
come thythere. For what shoulde they brynge thither ?
onles yt were Iron, or els golde and syluer ; whiche
they hadde rathere carrye home agayne. Also suche 15
thynges as arre to be caryed owte of their lande, they
thynke yt more wysedome to carrye that geer furthe
themselfes, then that othere shoulde come thether to
fetche yt ; to thentente they maye tho better knowe
the owte landes of euerye syde them, and kepe in vre 20
the feat and knouledge of saylinge.

OF UTOPIA 89

€>£ 25 on tic-

men, sicke persons, wedlocke, and dyuers
other matters.

Tney nother make bondemen of prysoners taken in
battayll, oneles yt be~"m~battaylle that the fowghte 5
themselfes, nor bondemens chyldren, nor, to be shorte,
annye man whome they canne gette owte of an othere
countreye, thoughe he were theyre a bondeman ; but
other snghe as^mongg themsglfe§jor_}ieynQUS offences
be punnyshed wyth bondage, or elles suche as in the 10^
Cyfy^Hj5fl5iEiEIiandes for greate trespasses be con-
dempned to deathe. And of thys sorte of bondemen
they haue mooste stoore. For manye of them they
brynge home, sumtymes payinge very lytle for them ;
yea, mooste commonlye gettynge them for gramercye. 15
Thyes sortes of bondemen they kepe not onelye in <~
contynuall woorke and laboure, but alsoo in bandes. )
But theyre owne men they handle hardeste, wEome A
they judge more desperate, and to haue deseruede A
greater punnysshemente ; bycause they, beynge so 20J|
godlye broughte vp to vertue, in soo excellente a com- \|
mon weal the, cowlde not for all that be refreyned from / •
mysdoynge.

An other kynde of bondemen they haue, when a vyle
drudge, beynge a poore laborer in an other cowntreye, 25
dothe chewse of hys owne free wyll to be a bondeman
amonge them. Thyes they handle and order honestelye,
and enterteyne almooste as gentyllye, as theyre owne
free cytyzeyns ; sauynge that they put them to a lytle
more laboure, as thereto accustomede. Yf annye suche 30
be dysposed to departe thens (whyche seldome ys seene)
H -2.

100 THE SECOND BOKE

they nother holde hym agaynste hys wyll, nother sende
hym awaye wyth emptye handes.

The sycke (as I sayde) they see to wyth greate affec-
tyon, ano*lette notliynge at all passe, concernynge
other Physycke or good dyete, wherby they may be 5
restored agayne to theyre healthe. Them that be sycke
of incurable dyseases they comforte wyth syttynge by
them, wyth talkynge wyth them, and, to be shorte,
wyth all maner of helpes that maye be. But yf the
,^ dysease be not onelye vncurable, but also full of con- 10
tynuall payne and anguyshe, then the priestes and the
magistrates exhort the man, seynge he ys not able to
doo annye dewtye of lyffe, and by ouerlyuing hys owne
deathe is noysome and yrkesome to other, and grouous
to hymself ; that he wyll determyne with hymselfe no 15
longer to cheryshe that pestilent and peynefull dysease:
and, seynge hys lyfe ys to hym but a tourmente, that
he wyll nott bee vnwyllynge too dye, but rather take
ia good hope to hym, and other d3rspatche hymselfe
Iflpwte of that paynfull lyffe, as owte of a pryson or 20
a racke of tormente, or elles suffer hym selfe wyllynglye
to be rydde owte of yt by other. And in so doynge
they tell hym he shal doo wyselye, seynge by hys
deathe he shall lyse no commodytye, but ende hys
payne. And bycause in that acte he shall followe the 25
cownsell of the pryestes, that is to saye of the in
terpreters of goddes wyll and pleasure, they shewe hym
that he shall do lyke a godly and a vertuouse man.
/ They that be thus persuaded fynyshe theyre lyues
wyllynglye, othere wyth hunger, or elles dye"m~theyre 30
sleape wythowte annye fealinge of deathe. "BuT they
cause none suche to dye agaynste hys wyll ; nor they
vse no lesse dilygence and attendaunce about hym ;
beleuynge thys to be an honorable deathe. Elles he
that kylleth hym selfe before that the pryestes and the 35
cownsell haue allowed the cause of hys deathe, hym,
as vnworthy both of the earth and of fyer, they cast
vnburied into some stinkyng marrish.

OF UTOPIA 101

The woman is not marled before she be xviii. yeres ~"~
olde. The man is iiii. yeres elder before he mary. If -
other the man or the woman be proued to haue bodely
offended, before their marriage, with an other, he or /
she whether it be is sharpely punyshed ; and both the a
offenders be forbydden euer after in all their lyfe to
marrye, oneles the faulte be forgeuen by the princes
pardone. But bothe the good man and the good wyfe
of the house where that offence was done, as beyng
slacke and neglygent in lokyng to there chardge, be in 10
daunger of great reproche and infamye* That offence
is so sharpelye punyshed, bicause they perceaue, that
onles they be diligently o kept from the lybertie of this
vice, fewe wyll ioyne together in the loue of marriage ;
wherin all the lyfe must be led with one, and also all U
the griefes and displeasures that come therewith must
paciently be taken and borne.

Furthermore, in cheusyng wyfes and husbandes they
obserue. earnestly and straytelye a custome whiche
seined to vs very fonde and folysh. For a sad and 20
an honest matrone sheweth the woman, be she maide *
or widdowe, naked to the wower. And lykewyse a
sage and discrete man exhibyteth the wo were naked to
the woman. At this custome we laughed and dis-
alowed it as foolyshe. But they on the other part doo 25
greatlye wonder at the follye of all other nations,
whyche in byinge a colte, where as a lytle money is
in hassarde, be so charye and circumspecte, that though ,,
he be almoste all bare, yet they wyll not bye hym,
oneles the saddel and all the barneys be taken of, 30
leaste vnder those couerynges be hydde som galle or
soore ; and yet in chewsynge a wyfe, whyche shalbe
other pleasure or dyspleasure to them all theire lyfe
after, they be so recheles, that, all the resydewe of the
wooman's bodye beinge couered wyth cloothes, they 35
esteme here scaselye be one handebredeth (for they can
se no more but her face) ; and so do ioyne her to them
not without great ieoperdie of euell agreing together,

102 THE SECOND BOKE

if any thynge in her body afterwarde do offende and
myslyke them. For all men be not so wyse as to haue
respecte to the vertuous condicions of the partie ; and
the endowmentes of the bodye cause the vertues of the
mynde more to be estemed and regarded, yea, euen in 5
the manages of wyse men. Verely so fowle deformitie
may be hydde vnder thoes coueringes, that it maye
quite alienate and take awaye the mans mynde from
his wyfe, when it shal not be lawfull for their bodies
to be seperate agayne. If suche deformitie happen 10
by any chaunce after the mariage is consumate and
fmyshed ; well, there is no remedie but patience.
Euery man must take his fortune, well a worthe. But
it were well done that a lawe were made, wherebye
all suche deceytes myghte be eschewed and aduoyded 15
before hand. And thys were they constreyned more
earnestlye to looke vpon, because they onlye of the
nations in that parte of the worlde bee contente euerye
man wyth one wyfe a piece ; and matrymoney is there
neuer brokenTTcmt "by death ; excepte adulterye breake 20
the bonde, or els the intollerable waiward maners of
eyther partie. For if either of them fynde themselfe
for any suche cause greued ; they maye by the licence
the councell chaunge and take an other. But the
other partie lyueth euer after in infamye and out of 25
wedlocke. But for the husbande to put away his wyfe
for no faulte, but for that some myshappe is fallen to
her bodye, thys by no meanes they wyll suffre. For
they iudge it a greate poynte of crueltie that any body
in their moste nede of helpe and comforte, shoulde be 3C
cast of and forsaken ; and that olde age, whych both
bryngeth sycknes with it, and is a syckenes it selfe,
should vnkyndlye and vnfaythfullye be delte withall.
But nowe and then it chaunseth. where as the man
and the woman cannot well agree betwene themselfes, 3f
bothe of them fyndynge other with whome they hope
to lyue more quyetlye and meryly, that they by the
full consent of them both be diuorsed a sender and

OF UTOPIA 103

newe maried to other ; but that not without the auctho-
ritie of the councell; which agreeth to no dyuorses,
before they and their wyfes haue diligently tried and
examyned the matter. Yea and then also they be loth
to consent to it, bicause they knowe thys to be the 5
/ nexte waye to breke loue betwene man and wyfe, to be
in easye hope of a newe mariage.

Breakers of wedlocke be punyshed with moste greu-
ous bondage. And if both the offenders were maried,
then the partyes whiche in that behalfe haue suffered 10
wronge be diuorsed from the auoutrers if they wyll,
and be maried together, or els to whom they luste.
But if eyther of them both do styll contynewe in loue
towarde so vnkynde a bedfellowe, the vse of wedlocke ^
is not to them forbydden, if the partie be disposed to 15
followe in toylinge and drudgerye the person, which .
for that offence is condempned to bondage. And very
ofte it chaunceth that the repentaunce of the one, and '
the earnest diligence of the other, dothe so moue the
prince with pytie and compassion, that he restoreth 20
the bonde persone from seruitude to libertie and fre-
dom again. But if the same partie be taken eftsones
in that faulte, there is no other way but death.

To other trespaces there is no prescript punysh-
ment appoynted by anye lawe. But accordinge to 25
the heynousenes of the offence, or contrarye, so the
punyshemente is moderated by the discretion of the
councell. The husbandes chastice theire wyfes ; and
the parentes theire chyldren ; oneles they haue done
anye so horryble an offence, that the open punyshe- SO
mente thereof maketh muche for the aduauncemente *
of honeste maners. But moste commenlye the moste \
heynous faultes be punyshed with the incommoditie \
of bondage. For that they suppose to be to the
offenders no lesse griefe, and to the common wealth 35
more profitable, then if they should hastely put them
to death, and make them out of the waye. For there
cummeth more profite of theire laboure, then of theire '

104 THE SECOND BOKE

deathe ; and by theire example they feare other the
lenger from lyke offences. But if they, beinge thus
vsed, doo rebell and kicke ngayne, then forsothe they
v/be slayne as desperate and wilde beastes. whom nother
pryson nor chayne could restraine and kepe vnder. 5
But they whiche take theire bondage patientlye be not
left all hopeles. For after they hau« bene broken and
tamed with longe myseries, yf then they shewe suche
repentaunce, wherebye it maye be perceaued that they
be soryer for theire offence then for theire punyshe- 10
mente, sumtymes by the Prynces prerogatyue, and
sumtymes by the voyce and consent of the people,
theire bondage other is mitigated, or els cleane re-
rnytted and forgeuen. He that moueth to aduoutrye
is in no lesse daunger and ieoperdie, then yf he hadde 15
committed aduoutrye in dede. For in all offences

4;hey counte the intente and pretensecl purpose as euell
as the acte or dede it selfe. For they thynke that no
lette owghte to excuse hym, that dyd hys beste too
haue no lette. 20

\/ They sette greate store by fooles. And as it is
greate reproche to do to annye of them hurte or iniury,
so they prohibite not to take pleasure of foolyshnes.
For that, they thynke, doth muche good to the fooles.
And if any man be so sadde and sterne, that he cannot 25
laughe nother at their wordes nor at their dedes, none
of them be commytted to his tuition ; for feare lest he
would not ordre them gentilly and fauorably enough,
to whom they should brynge no delectation (for other
goodnes in them is none) ; muche lesse any proffyt 30
shoulde they yelde hym.

/ To mocke a man for hys deformitie, or for that he
,1/lacketh anye parte or lymme of hys bodye, is counted
greate dishonestie and reproche, not to hym that is
mocked, but to hym that mocketh ; which vnwysely 35
doth imbrayde any man of that as a vice, whiche was
not in his powre to eschewe. Also as they counte and
reken very lyttell wytte to be in hym that regardeth

OF UTOPIA 105

not naturall bewtie and comlines, so to helpe the same
with payntinges is taken for a vayne and a wanton
pryde, not without great infamye. For they knowe
euen by verye experience, that no comelines of bewtie ^
doth so hyghly commende and auaunce the wyues in r
the conceyte of there husbandes, as honest conditions
and lowlines. For as loue is oftentimes wonne with
bewtie, so it is not kept, preserued, and continued, but *
by vertue and obedience.

They do not only feare theire people from doinge,,!^
euell by punyshmentes, but also allure them to vertu-e'/v
with rewardes of honoure. Therfore they set vp in
the market place the ymages of notable men, and of
such as haue bene great and bounteful benefactors to
the common wealth, for the perpetual memorie of their 15^. .
good actes ; and also that the glory and renowme of
the auncetors may sturre and prouoke theire posteritie
to vertue. He that inordinatlie and ambitiously
desireth promotions, is lefte all hopeles for euer
atteynyng any promotion as longe as he liueth. They 20
lyue together louingly. For no magistrate is other
hawte or ferefull. Fathers they be called, and lyke
fathers they vse themselfes. The citezens (as it is
their dewtie) do willingly exhibite vnto them dewe
honoure, without any compulsion. Nor the prince 25
hymselfe is not knowen from the other by his apparel,
nor by a crown or diademe or cappe of maintenaunce,
but by a littell sheffe of corne caried before hym. And
so a taper of wax is borne befor the byshop, whereby
onely he is knowen. 30

y Thei haue but few lawes. For to people so instructe tf
and institute very fewe do suffice. Yea this thynge
they chieflye reproue amonge other nations, that in
numerable bokes of lawes and expositions vpon the
same be not sufficient. But they thinke it against al 35
right and iustice, that men shuld be bound to thoes
lawes, whiche other be in numbre mo then be able
to be readde, or els blinder and darker, then that any

106 THE SECOND BOKE

man can well vnderstande them. Furthermore they
vtterly exclude and bannyshe all proctours and ser-
geauntes at the lawe, which craftely handell matters,
and subtelly dispute of the lawes. For they thinke

.it most mete, that euery man shuld pleade his owne 5
matter, and tell the same tale before the iudge, that
he would tel to his man of lawe. So shall there be
lesse circumstaunce of wordes, and the trwth shal
soner cum to light ; whiles the iudge with a discrete
iudgement doth waye the wordes of hjTn. whom no 10
lawier hath instruct with deceit ; and whiles he helpeth
and beareth out simple wittes agaynst the false and
malicious circumuertions of craftie chyldren. This is
harde to be obserued in other countreis, in so infinitie
a numbre of blynd and intricate lawes. But in Vtopia 15

^ euery man is a cunnyng lawier. For, as I sayde, they
haue verye fewe lawes ; and the playnner and grosser

' that anye interpretation is, that they allowe as most
iuste. For all lawes (saye they) bee made and pub-
lysshed onelye to thenthente, that by them euerye man 20
shoulde be put in remembraunce of hys dewtye. But
the craftye and subtyll interpretation of them can put
verye fewe in that remembraunce (for they be but fewe
that do perceaue them) ; where as the simple, the
plaine, and grosse meaning of the lawes is open to 25
euerye man. Els as touchynge the vulgare sorte of
the people, whiche be bothe moste in numbre, and haue
moste neade to knowe theire dewties, were it not as
good for them that no lawe were made at all, as, when
it is made, to brynge so blynde an interpretacion vpon 30
it, that without greate witte and longe arguynge no
man can discusse it? to the findinge out whereof
nother the grosse iudgement of the people can attayne,
nother the hole lyfe of them that be occupied in woork-
ynge for theire lyuynges can suffyse therto. 35

[Thies vertues of the Vtopians haue caused theire
nexte neyghbours and borderers, whiche lyue fre and
vnder no subiection (for the Vtopians longe agoo haue

OF UTOPIA 107

delyuered manye of them from tyrannye), to take
magistrates of them, some for a yeare, and some for
fyue yeares space. Whiche, when the tyme of theire
office is expired, they brynge home agayn with honoure
and prayse ; and take newe ons agayne wyth them 5
into theire countrey. Thies nations haue vndowtedlye
verye well and holsomlye prouyded for theire common
wealthes. For seynge that bothe the makyng and\
the marrynge of the weale publique doth depende and I
hange of the maners of the rulers and magistrates, 10
what officers coulde they more wyselye haue chosen,
then thoes whiche cannot be ledde from honestye by X.
brybes (for to them that shortlye after shall departe
thens into theyre owne countreye money shoulde be
vnprofytable) ; nor yet be moued other with fauour or 15
malyce towardes annye man, as beynge straungers and
vnaquainted with the people ? The which twoo vices
of affection and auryce where they take place in
iudgementes, incontynente they breake iustice, the.
strongeste and suereste bonde of a common wealthe. J20
Thies peoples, whiche fetche theire officers and rulers
from them, the Vtopians cal theire fellowes ; and other,
to whome they haue bene beneficiall, they call theire
frendes.

As towchynge leages, which in other places betwene 25
countrey and countrey be so ofte concluded, broken,
and made agayne, they neuer make none with anye*
nacion. For to what purpose serue leagues ? saye they ;
as though nature had not set sufficient loue betwene
man and man. And who so regardeth not nature, 30
thynke yowe that he wyll passe for wordes? They
be brought into thys opinion chiefely bicause that in
thoes parties of the wordle leagues betwene princes be
wont to be kept and obserued very slenderly. For
here in Europa, and especiallye in thies partes, where 35
the faythe and religion of Christe reygneth, the maiestie
of leagues is euerye where estemed holly and inuiolable;
partlye through the iustice and goodnes of princes, and

108 THE SECOND BOKE

partelye through the reuerence of great byshoppes.
Whyche, lyke as they make no promysse themselfes,
but they doo verye religiouslye perfourine the same,
so they exhorte all prynces in any wyse to abyde by
theyre promisses ; and them that refuse or denye so 5
to do, by theire pontificall powre and aucthorytie they
compell therto. And surely they thynke well that it
myght seme a verye reprochefull thynge, yf in the
leagues of them, whyche by a peculiare name be called
faythfull, faythe shoulde haue no place. 10

But in that newefonnde parte of the worlde, \vhiche
is scaselye so farre from vs beyonde the lyne equi-
noctiall, as owre lyfe and manners be dissidente from
theirs, no truste nor confydence is in leagues. But
the mo and hol}7er cerymonies the league is knytte 15
vp with, the soner it is broken, by some cauillation
founde in the woordes ; whyche manye tynies of
purpose be so craftelye put in and placed, that the
bandes can neuer be so sure nor so stronge, but they
wyll fynde some hole open to crepe owte at, and to 20
breake bothe league and trewthe. The whiche crafty
dealynge, yea, the whiche fraude and deceyle, yf they
shoulde knowe it to bee practysed amonge pryuate men
in theire bargaynes and contractes, they woulde in
continent crye owte at it with a sower countenaunce, 25
as an offence most detestable, and worthie to be pun-
nyshed with a shamefull death ; yea, euen verye they
that auaunce themselfes authours of like councel geuen
to princes. Wherfore it maye well be thought other
that all iustice is but a basse and a lowe vertue, and 30
whiche aualeth it self farre vnder the hyghe dignitie
of kynges ; or, at the least wyse, that there be two
iustices ; the one mete for the inferioure sorte of the
people, goinge a fote and crepynge by lowe on the
grounde, and bounde downe on euery side with many 35
bandes, because it shall not run at rouers : the other
a pryncely vertue, whiche lyke as it is of muche
hygher maiestie then the other poore iustice, so also

OF UTOPIA 109

it is of muche more lybertie, as to the whiche nothing©
is vn] awful that it lusteth after.

Thies maners of princes (as I saj^de) whiche be there
so euyll kepers of leagues cause the Vtopians, as I sup
pose, to make no leagues at all : whiche perchaunce 5
woulde chaunge theire mynde if they lyued here.
Howebeit they thynke that thoughe leagues be neuer
so faythfully obserued and kept, yet the custome of
niakinge leagues was verye euel begonne. For this
causeth men (as though nations which be separate a 10
sondre by the space of a lytle hyl or a ryuer, were
coupled together by no societe or bonde of nature),
to thynke them selfes borne aduersaryes and enemyes^
one to an other ; and that it is lawfull for the one to
seke the death and destruction of the other, if leagues lo
were not ; yea, and that, after the leagues be accorded,
fryndeshyppe dothe not growe and encrease ; but the ?
lycence of robbynge and stealynge doth sty 11 remayne, )
as farfurthe as, for lacke of forsight and aduisement
in writinge the woordes of the league, anny sentence 20
or clause to the contrary is not therin suffycyentlye
comprehended. But they be of a contrary opinion :
that is. that no man ought to be counted an enemy,
whyche hath done no iniury ; and that the felow-/~
shyppe of nature is a stronge league ; and that men 25
be better and more surely knitte toge^
thers by loue and beneuolence, then
by couenauntes of leagues ; by
hartie affection of miiide, /

then by woor- 30

des.

110 THE SECOND BOKE

[CHAPTER VIII]

iDarfarc, 1

WArre or battel as a thinge very beastelye, and yet
to no kynde of beastes in so muche vse as it is to man,
they do detest and abhorre ; and, contrarye to the
custome almost of all other natyons, they cownte 5
nothinge so much against glorie, as glory gotten in
warre. And therefore, though they do daily practise
and exercise themselfes in the discypline of warre,*
and that not only the men, but also the women, vpon •
certeyne appoynted dayes, leste they shoulde be to 10
seke in the feat of armes yf nead should requyre ; yet
they neuer [toj goo to battayle^ but other in the defence
of their owne cowntreye, or to dryue owte of theyr
frendes lande the enemyes that be comen in, or by .
their powre to deliuer from the yocke and bondage 15
of tyrannye some people that be oppressed wyth
tyranny. Whyche thynge they doo of meere pytye
and compassion. Howebeit they sende healpe to
theyre fryndes ; not euer in theire defence, but sum-
times also to requyte and reuenge iniuries before to 2C
them done. But thys they do not, onles their coun-
sell and aduise in the matter be asked, whyles yt ys
yet newe and freshe. For yf they fynde the cause
probable, and yf the contrarye parte wyll not restore
agayne suche thynges as be of them iustelye de- K
maunded, then they be the chyeffe auctores and
makers of the warre. Whyclie they do not onlye
as ofte as by inrodes and inuasions of soldiours prayes
and booties be dreuen away, but then also much more
mortally, when their frindes marchauntes in any land, a
other vnder the pretence of vniust lawes, or els by the

OF UTOPIA 111

wresting and wronge vnderstonding of good lawes, do
sustaine an vniust accusation vnder the colour of
iustice. N other the battel which the vtopians fowghte
for the Nephelogetes against the Alaopolitanes, a
lytle before oure time, was made for annye others
cause, but that the Nephelogete marchaunte men, as
the vtopians thought, suffred wrong of the Alaopo
litanes, vnder the pretence of righte. But whether it
were righte or wrong, it was with so cruell and
mortal warre reuenged, the countreis round about 10
ioyning their healpe and powre to the puysaunce and
malice of bothe parties, that most florishing and
wealthie peoples beyng some of them shrewedely
shaken, and some of them sharpely beaten, the mis-
cheues were not finished nor ended, untill the Alao- 15
politanes at the last were yelded vp as bondmen
into the iurisdiction of the Nephelogetes. For the
vtopians foughte not this warre for themselfes. And
yet the Nephelogetes before the warre, when the Alao
politanes flourished in wealth, were nothyng to be 20
compared with them.

So egerly the Vtopians prosequute the iniuries done
to ther frindes, yea, in money matters ; and not their
owne likewise. For if they by coueyne or gyle be
wiped beside their gooddes, so that no violence be 25
done to their bodies, they wreake their anger by
absteining from occupieng with that nation, untill
they haue made satisfaction. Not for bicause they
set lesse stoore by their owne cytyzeyns, then by
theire frindes ; but that they take the losse of their 30
fryndes money more heuely then the losse of theyr
owne : bicause that their frindes marchaunte men,
forasmuche as that they leise is their owne priuate
gooddes, susteyne great damage by the losse ; but
their owne citizeyns leise nothing but of the commen 35
gooddes, and of that which was at home plentifull and
almost superfluous, elles hadde it not bene sent furth.
Therfore no man feeleth the losse. And for this cause

112 THE SECOND BOKE

they thynke it to cruell an acte to reuenge that losse
wyth the death of many ; the incommoditie of the
whiche losse no man feeleth nother in his liffe, nother
in his liuinge. But if it chaunce that any of their
men in any other countreye be maymed or kylled, 5
whether it be done by a commen or a priuate councell ;
knowing and trying out the treuth of the matter by
their ambassadours, onles the offenders be rendered
vnto them in recompence of the iniury, they will not
be appeased ; but incontinent they proclayme warre K
against them. The offenders y elded they punnishe
other with death or with bondage.

I They be not only sorye, but also ashamed to atchieue
I the victory with much bloodshed ; cowntinge it greate

follye to bye pretyous wares to dere. They reioyse 1;
t and auaunte themselfes, yf they vaynquyshe and
\ oppresse theire enemyes by crafte and deceyt. And
for that act they make a generall tiyumphe ; and as
yf the matter were manfullye handeled, they sett vp
a pyller of stone in the place where they so van- 2
quysshed theyre ennemyes, in token of the vyctory.
For then they glory e, then they booste and cracke
that they haue plaied the men in dede, when they
haue so ouercommen, as no other lyuynge creature
but onely man coulde ; that ys to saye, by the myghte 2
,j and pusyaunce of wytte. For wyth bod delye strengthe
(saye they) beares, lyons. boores, wulffes, dogges, and
other wylde beastes doo fyghte. And as the mooste
parte of them doo passe vs in strengthe and fyerce
courage, so in wytte and reason wee be muche stronger i
then they all.

Theyre chyefe and princypall purpose in warre ys
to obteyne that thynge, whyche yf they had before
obteyned, they wolde not haue moued battayle. But
if that be not possible, they take so cruell vengeaunce I
of them whych be in the fault, that euer after they be
aferde to doo the lyke. Thys ys theyre cheyffe and
pryncypall intente, whyche they immedyatelye and

OF UTOPIA 113

fyrste of all prosequute and sette forewarde ; but yet
so, that they be more cyrcumspecte in auoydynge and
eschewynge ieopardyes, then they be desyerous of
prayse and renowne. Therfore immediatly after that
warre is ones solemply denounced, they procure manye 5
proclamations, signed with their owne commen seale,
to be sett up preuilie at one time in their ennemyes
lande, in places mooste frequented. In thyes procla-
matyons they promysse greate rewardes to hym that
will kyll their enemies prince ; and sumwhat lesse 10
gyftes, but them verye greate also, for euerye heade of
them, whose names be in the sayde proclamacions
conteined. They be those whome they count their
chieffe aduersaries. next vnto the prince. What soeuer
is prescribed vnto him that killeth any of the pro- 15
clamed persons, that is dobled to him that bringeth
any of the same to them aliue : yea, and to the .
proclamed persones them selfes, if they wil chaunge
their mindes and come into them, takinge their partes,
they profer the same greate rewardes with pardon, and 20
euerty of their Hues.

Therfore it quickely cummeth to passe that they
haue al other men in suspicion, and be vnfaithfull
and mistrusting emong themselfes one to another ;
liuing in great feare and in no lese ieopardye. For 25
it is well knowen that dyuers times the most part
of them, and specially the prince him selfe, hath bene
betraied of them in whome they put their most hoope
and trust. So that there is no maner of acte nor dede,
that giftes and rewardes do not enforce men vnto. so
And in rewardes they kepe no measure ; but, re-
membring and considering into howe great hasard
and ieopardie they call them, endeuoure themselfes to
recompence the greatenes of the daunger with lyke
great benefites. And therfore they promisse not only 35
wonderfull greate abundaunce of golde, but also
landes of greate reuenues, lyenge in moost sauffe
places emonge theire fryndes. And theyre promysses

114 THE SECOND BOKE

they perfourme faythfully, wythowte annye fraude or
couyne.

Thys custome of byinge and sellynge aduersaryes
amonge other people ys dysallowed, as a cruell acte of
a basse and a cowardyshe mynde. But they in thys 5
behalfe thynke themselfes muche prayse woorthye, as
who lyke wyse men by thys meanes dyspatche greate
vvarres wyth owte annye battell or skyrnyshe. Yea,
they cownte yt also a dede of py ty and mercye, bycause
that by the deathe of a fewe offenders the lyues of a 10
greate numbre of ynnocentes, aswell of their own men
as also of their enemies, be raunsomed and saued,
which in fighting shoulde haue bene sleane. For they
doo no lesse pytyo the basse and commen sorte of
theyr enemyes people, then they doo theyre owne ; 15
knowynge that they be dryuen to warre agaynste theyre
wylles by the furyous madnes of theyre prynces and
heades.

Yf by none of thies meanes the matter go forwarde
as they wolde haue yt, then they procure occasyons of 20
debate_and dyssentyon to be spredde emonge theyre
enemyes ; as lay bryngynge the prynces brother, or
some of the noble men, in hoope to obtayne the
kyngedome. Yf thys way preuayle not, then they_
reysejvp, the people that be nexte neygheboures and 25
borderers to theyr enemyes, and "IhenTThey setEe in
theyre neckes vnder the coloure of some olde tytle of
ryghte, suche as kynges doo neuer lacke. To them
they promysse theire helpe and ayde in theyre warre.
And as for moneye they gyue them abundance ; but of 30
theyre owne cytyzeyns they sencle to them fewe or
none. Whome they make so much of, and~Toue so
intyerlye, that they wolde not be willing to chaung
anye of them for their aduersaries prince. But their
gold and siluer, bycause they kepe yt all for thys only 25
purpose, they laye it owte frankly and frely ; as who
shoulde lyue euen as wealthely, if they hadde bestowed
it euerye pennye. Yea, and besydes theyre ryches,

OF UTOPIA 115

whyche they kepe at home, they haue also an irifynyte
treasure abrode, by reason that (as I sayde before) ,
manye natyons be in their debte. Therefore they
hyere soldyours oute of all countreys, and sen.de them
to battayle ; _but~cheiflye~oT~lhe Zapoletes. Thys 5
peopleTs .500. myles from Vtopia eastewarde. They
be hydeous, sauage, and fyerce, dwellynge in wild
woodes and high mountaines, where they were bredde
and brought vp. They be of an harde nature, able
to abide and susteiae heate, cold, and labour ; ab- 10
horrynge from all delycate deyntyes, occupyenge no
husbandrye nor tyllage of the ground, homelye and
rude both in the buildinge of their houses and in their
apparrell ; geuen vnto no goodnes, but onelye to the
breede and bringynge vp of cattell. The mooste parte 15
of theire lyuynge is by huntynge and stealynge. They
be borne onelye to warre, whyche they dylygentlye
and earnestlye seke for. And when they haue gotten
yt, they be wonders gladde therof. They goo furthe
of theyre countreye in greate companyes together, and 20
who soeuer lacketh souldyours, there they proffer
theyre seruyce for small wages. Thys ys onely the
crafte that they haue to gette theyre lyuynge by.
They maynteyne theyr lyfe by sekyng theyre deathe. •
For them, whomewyth they be in wayges, they fygltte25
hardelye, fyerslye, and faythefullye. But they bynde
themselfes for no certeyne tyme. But vpon thys
condytion they entre into bondes, that the nexte daye
they wyll take parte wyth the other syde for greatter
wayges ; and the nexte daye after that they wyll be .'50
readye to come backe agayne for a lytle more moneye.
There be fewe warres there awa)re, wherin is not a
greate numbre of them in bothe partyes. Therefore
yt daylye chauncethe that nye kynsefolke, whyche were
hiered together on one parte, and there verye fryndelye35
and famylyerly vsed themselfes one wyth an other,
shortely after, beynge separate into contrarye parte<?,
runne one agaynste an other enuyouslye and fyercelye ;

I 2

116 THE SECOND BOKE

and forgettynge bothe kyndred and frendeshyp, thruste
theyre swordes one in another: and that for none
other cause, but that they be hyered of contrarye
prynces for a lytle moneye. Whyche they doo so
hyghelye regarde and esteame, that they will easelye 5
be prouoked to chaunge partes for a halfpenye more
wayges by the daye. So quyckelye they haue taken
a smacke in couetesenes ; whyche for all that ys to
them no proffyte. For, that they gette by fyghtynge,
ymmedyatelye they spende vnthryftelye and wretched- 10
lye in ryott.

Thys people fyghte for the Vtopyans agaynste all
natyons, bycause they giue them greatter wayges, then
annye other natyon wyll. For the Vtopians, lyke as
they seke good men to vse wel, so they seke thyes 15
euell and vycyous men to abuse. Whome, when neade
requyreth, wyth premisses of greate reward es they
putt furthe into greate ieopardyes ; from whens the
mooste part of them neuer cummeth againe to aske
their rewardes. But to them that remain on Hue 20
they paye that which they promissed faithfully, that
they may be the more willinge to put themselfes in
like daungers another time. Nor the Vtepians passe
not how many of them they bring to distruction.
For they beleue that they should doo a very good 25
tdeade for all mankind, if they could ridde out of the
wordle all that fowle, stinkinge denne of that most
wicked and cursed people.

Next vnto thies they vse the soldiours of them
whom they fight for. And then the help of their 30
other frindes. And last of al they ioyne to their owne
citizeins. Emong whome they gyue to one of tried
vertue and prowes the rewle, goouernaunce, and con-
ductyon of the hole armye. Vnder hym they appoynte
ii. other, whyche whyles he ys sauffe be bothe piyuate 35
and owte of offyce ; but yf he be taken or slayne, the
one of the other .ii. succedeth hym, as yt were by
inherytaunce. And if the second miscarry, then the

OF UTOPIA 117

third taketh hys rowme ; leaste that (as the chaunce
of battell ys vncerteyne and dowtefull), the yeopardye
or deathe of the capytayne shoulde brynge the hole
armye in hasarde. They chuse soldyers owte of
euerye cytye those whyche putt furthe themselfes 5 /
wyllynglye. For_they thruste no jtrmji furfhp. inhp «
warre agaynste hys wyll ; bycause they beleue, yf
annye man be fearefull and faynte harted of nature,

he wyll not onelye doo no manfull and hardye act hym (

selfe, but also be occasyon of cowardenes to hys 10
fellowes. But yf annye battell be made agaynste
theyre owne countreye, then they putt thyes cowardes,
so that they be stronge bodyed, in shyppes emonge
other bolde harted men. Or elles they dyspose them
vpon the walles, from whens they maye not flye. Thus, 15
what for shame that theyre ennemyes be at hande,
and what for bycause they be withowt hope of
runnynge awaye, they forgette all feere. And manye
tyrnes extreame necessytye turneth cowardnes into
prowes and manlynes. 20

But as none of them ys thrust forthe of his countrey
into warre agaynste hys wyll, so women that be^- /*.•-
wyllynge to accompanye their husbandes in times
of warre be not prohybyted or stopped. Yea, they
prouoke and exhorte them to yt wyth prayses. And 25
in sett fylde the wyues doo stande euerye one by here
owne husbandes syde. Also euery man is compassed
nexte abowte wyth hys owne chyldren, kins folkes,'
and alliaunce ; that they, whom nature chiefelye
moueth to mutuall succoure, thus stondynge together, 30
maye helpe one an other. It is a great reproche and
dishonestie for the husbande to come home wythowte
hys wiffe, or the wiffe withoute her husband, or the *~ '
sonne without his father. And therfore, if the other
part sticke so harde by it, that the battell come to 35
their handes, it is fought with great slaughter and
bloodshed, euen to the vtter destruction of both partes.
For as they make all the meanes and shyftes that

118 THE SECOND BOKE

maye be, to kepe themselfes from the necessitye of
fyghtynge, so that they may dispatche the battell by
their hiered soldyours, so, when there is no remedy
but that they muste neades fyghte themselfes, then
they do as corragiouslye fall to it, as before, whyles 5
they myght, they dyd wyselye auoyde it. Nor they
be not moste fierce at the fyrst bronte. But in
continuaunce by litle and lytle theire fierce corrage
encreaseth, with so stubborne and obstynate myndes,
that they wyll rather die then gyue backe an ynche. 10
For that suertye of lyuynge, whiche euery man hath
at home, beynge ioyned with noo carefull anxietye or
remembraunce how theire posteritie shall lyue after
them (for this pensifenes oftentymes breaketh and
abateth couragious stomakes) maketh them stowte 15
and hardy, and dysdaynful to be conquered. More-
ouer, theire knowledge in cheualrye and feates of
armes putteth them in a good hope. Finally, the
holsome and vertuous opinions, wherin they were
brought vp euen from theire childhode, partely 20
through learnyng, and partelye throughe the good
ordenaunces and lawes of theire weale publique,
augmente and encrease theire manfull currage. By
reason whereof they nother set so litle store by
theire Hues, that they will rasshely and vnaduisedlye 25
cast them away ; nor they be not so farre in lewde
and fond loue therewith, that they will shamefully
I couete to kepe them, when honestie biddeth leaue
them.

When the battel is hottest and in al places most 30
fierce and feruent, a bende of chosen and picked yong
men, whiche be sworne to liue and dye togethers,
take vpon them to destroye theire adtiersaries capitaine. y
Hym they inuade, now with preuy wyeles, now by
open strength. At hym they strike both nere and 35
farre of. He is assayled with a long and a continewal
assault ; freshe men styll commyng in the weried
mens places. And seldome it chaunceth (onles he

OF UTOPIA 119

saue hymselfe by flying) that he is not other slayne,
or els taken prysoner, and yelded to his enemies alyue.
If they wynne the fyelde, they persecute not theire ^
enemies with the violent rage^of slaughter. For they
had rather take them aliue then kyll Ihem. Nother 5
they do so followe the chase and pursute of theire
enemies, but they leaue behynde them one parte of
theire hoste in battayl arraye vnder theire standardys.
In so muche that, if all theire hole armie be discum-
fetyd and ouercum, sailing the rerewarde, and that 10
they therewith achieue the victory, then they had
rather lette all theire enemies scape, then to followe
them owt of array. For they remembre it hath
chaunced vnto themselfes more then ones: the hole
powre and strength of theyre hoste being vanquished 15
and put to flight, whiles theire enemies, reioysing
in the victory, haue persecuted them flying, some
one way and some an other ; fewe of theire men
lying in an ambusshe, there reddy at all occasions,
haue sodaynly rysen vpon them thus dispersed and 20
scattered owt of array, and through presumption of
safetye vnaduisedly pursuynge the chase, and haue
incontinent changed the fortune of the hole battayll ;
and spyte of there tethes wrestynge owt of theire
handes the sure and vndowted victory, being a litle 25
before conquered, haue for theire parte conquired the
conquerers.

It is hard to say whether they be craftier in laynge
an ambusshe, or wittier in auoydynge the same.
Yowe woulde thynke they intende to flye, when they 30
meane nothing lesse. }- And contrary wise, when they
go about that purpose, yow wold beleue it were the
least part of their thoughte. For if they perceaue
themselfes other ouermatched in numbre, or closed in
to narrowe a place, then they remoue their campe 35
other in the nyght season with silence, or by some
pollicie they deceaue theire enemies ; or in the daye
time they retiere backe so softely, that it is no lesse

120 THE SECOND BOKE

ieoperdie to medle with them when they gyue backe
then when they preese on. They fence and fortifie
theire campe sewerlye with a deape and a brode trenche.
The earth therof is cast inward. Nor they do not set
/drudgeis and slaues a worke about it. It is doones
by the handes of the souldiours them selfes. All
the hole armye worketh vpon it, except them that
watche in harneis before the trenche for sodeyne
auentures. Therefore, by the labour of so manye,
a large trenche closinge in a great compasse of 10
grounde is made in lesse tyme then any man wold
beleue.

Theire armoure or harneis whiche they weare is
sure and stronge to receaue strokes, and handsome for
all mouinges and gestures of the bodye ; in so muche 15
that it is not vnweldy to swymme in. For in the
discipline of theire warefare, arnonge other feates thei
lerne to swimme in harneis. Their weapons be arrowes
afarre of, which they shote both strongely and suerly ;
not onelye fotemen but also horsemen. At hande 20
strokes they vse not swordes but pollaxes, whiche
be mortall, aswel in sharpenes as in weyghte, bothe
for foynes and downe strokes. Engines for warre
they deuyse and inuente wonders wittely. Whiche,
when they be made, they kepe very secret ; leaste 25
if they should be knowen before neade requyre,
they should be but laughed at, and serue to no
purpose. But in makynge them, hereunto they
haue chiefe respecte ; that they be both easy to
be caried, and handsome to be moued and turned sc
> about.

Truce taken with theire enemies for a shorte time
they do so fermelye and faythfully keape, that they
wyll not breake it ; no not though they be theire
vnto prouoked. They do not waste nor destroy there K
\ enemies lande with forraginges, nor they burne not
vp theire corne. Yea, they saue it as muche as maye
be from beinge ouerrune and troden downe, other

OF UTOPIA 121

with men or horses; thynkynge that it groweth for
theire owne vse and proffyt. They hurt no man that
is vnarmed, onles he be an espiall. All cities that be
yelded vnto them, they defende. And suche as they
wynne by force of assaute they nother dispoyle nor 5
sacke ; but them that withstode and dyswaded the
yeldynge vp of the same they put to death ; the other
souldiours they punnyshe with bondage. All the
weake multitude they leaue vntouched. If they knowe
that anye cytezeins counselled to yelde and rendre vp 10
the citie, to them they gyue parte of the condempned
mens goodes. The resydewe they distribute and
gyue frely amonge them, whose helpe they had in the x
same warre. For none of them selfes taketh anye
portion of the praye. 15

But when the battayll is fynyshed and ended, they
put theire frendes to neuer a penny coste of al the
chardges that they were at, but laye it vpon theire^ .
neckes that be conquered. Them they burdeyne with
the hole chardge of theire expenceis ; which they 20
demaunde of them partelye in money, to be kept for
lyke vse of battayll, and partelye in landes of greate
reuenues, to be payde vnto them yearlye for euer.
Suche reuenues they haue nowre in manye countreis ;
whiche by litle and lytle rysyng, of dyuers and sondry 25
causes, be encreased aboue vii. hundreth thousand
ducates by the yere. Thither they sende furth some of
their citezeins as Lieuetenauntes, to lyue theire sump
tuously lyke men of honoure and renowne. And yet,
this notwithstanding, muche money is saued, which 30
commeth to the commen treasory ; onles it so chaunce,
that thei had rather truste the countrey with the money.
Which many times thei do so long vntil they haue
neade to occupie it. And it seldome happeneth, that
thei demaund al. Of thies landes thei assigne part 35
vnto them, which at their request and exhortacion put
themselfes in such ieoperdies as I spake of before. If
anye pryiice stirre vp warre agaynst them, intendyng

122 THE SECOND BOKE

to inuade theire lande, they mete hym incontinent
owt of theire owne borders with great powre and
strengthe. For they neuer lyghtly make warre in
their owne countreis. Nor

they be neuer brought into so ex- 6

treme necessitie, as to take

helpe out of forreyne

landes into thire

owne Ilande.

OF UTOPIA 123

[CHAPTER IX]

Of tlje teU-

gyons in Vtopia.

a Tnere be dyuers kyndes of religion, not only in
sondry partes of the Ilande, but also in dyuers places
of euerye citie. Some worshyp for God the sunne ; 5
teome the mone ; some some other of the planetes.
There be that gyue worshyp to a man that was ones
of excellente vertue or of famous glory, not only as
God, but also as the chiefest and hyghest God. But
the moste and the wysest parte (reiectynge all thies) 10
beleue that there is a certayne Godlie povvre un-<
knowen, euerlastyng, incomprehensible, inexplicable,/
farre aboue the capacitie and retche of inans witte,(
dispersed through out all the worlde, not in bygnesj
but in vertue and powre. Hym they call the father 15
of all. To hym allone they attrybute the begynnynges, ^
the encreasynges, the procedynges, the chaunges, and
the endes of all thynges. Nother they gyue deuine
honours to any other then to him.

Yea, all the other also, though they be in diuersfo
opinions, yet in this pointe they agree all togethers
with the wisest sort, in beleuynge that there is one
chiefe and pryncipall God, the maker and ruler of the
hole worlde ; whome they all commonly in theire ,
countrey language call Mythra. But in this they 25
disagre, that amonge some he is counted one, and ' X
amonge some an other. For euery one of them, what-
soeuer that is whiche he taketh for the chiefe God,
thynketh it to be the very same nature, to whose
onlye deuyne myght and maiestie the som and soue- 30
raintie of al thinges, by the consent of all people, is

124 THE SECOND BOKE

attributed and geuen. Howe be it, they al begynne
by litle and litle to forsake and fall from thys varietie
of superstitions, and to agree togethers in that religion
whiche semethe by reason to passe and excell the
resydewe. And it is not to be dowted but all the 5
other would longe agoo haue bene abolyshed ; but
that, whatsoeuer vnprosperous thynge happened to
any of them as he was mynded to chaunge his religion,
the fearefulnes of people dyd take it not as a thynge
cummynge by chaunce, but as sente frome God owt 10
of heauen ; as thoughe the God, whose honoure he
was forsakynge, woulde reuenge that wicked purpose
against him.

But after they harde vs spoake of the name of
Christe, of his doctryne, lawes, myracles, and of the if
no lesse wonderful constancie of so manye martyrs,
whose bloude wyllynglye shedde brought a great
numbre of nations throughe out all partes of the
worlds into theire secte ; yowe wyll not beleue with
howe gladde myndes they agreed vnto the same ; a
whether it were by the secrete inspiration of God,
or els for that they thought it next vnto that opinion
which amonge them is counted the chiefest. Howe
be it, I thynke this was no smal healpe and further-
aunce in the matter, that they harde vs save that 2.'
Christ instytuted amonge hys all thynges commen ;
and that the same communitie dothe yet remayne
amongest the Tightest Christian companies. Verely,
howe soeuer it came to passe, manye of them consented
togethers in oure religion, and were wasshed in the 3
hollye water of baptisme. . »

But because amonge vs foure (for no moo of vs was
left alyue ; two of oure compan}7e beynge deade) there
was no prieste, whiche I am ryghte sorye for, they,
beinge entered and instructed in all other poyntes of 3 .
oure relygion, lacke onelye those Sacramentes, whyche

here none but priestes do minister. Howe be it, they
vnderstande and perceyue them, and be verye desierous

OF UTOPIA 125

of the same. Yea, they reason and dispute the matter
earnestly amonge themselfes, whether, without the
sendyng of a Christian bysshoppe, one chosen out of
theire owne people may receaue the ordre of priest-
hodo. And truly they were mynded to chuse one : 5
but at my departure from them they hadde chosen
none. They also, whiche do not agree to Christes
religion, feare no man frome it, nor speake agaynste
anye man that hath receyued it. Sauing that one of
oure companye in my presence was sharpely punyshed. 10
He, as sone as he was baptised, began against our
willes, with more earnest affection then wisdome, to
reason of Christes religion ; and began to waxe so
hotte in his matter, that he dyd not only proferre oure
relygion before all other, but also dyd vtterlye despise 15
an condempne al other, callynge them prophane, and
the followers of them wicked and deuelishe, and the
chyldren of euerlasting dampnation. When he had
thus longe reasoned the matter, they layde holde on j
hym, accused hym, and condempned hym into exyle ; 20
not as a despyser of religion, but as a sedicious \/
persone, and a rayser vp of dissention amonge the
people. For this is one of the auncientest lawes t
amonge them : that no man shalbe blamed for reason-
ynge in the mayntenaunce of his owne religion. 25

For kyng Vtopus, euen at the first begynniug,
hearing that the inhabitauntes of the lande were
before his commyng thether at contynuall dissention
and stryfe among themselfes for their religions ; per-
ceyuing also that this common dissension, whyles 30
euerye seuerall secte todke-senerafl partes in fyghting
for theire countrey, was the only occasion of hys
conquest ouer them all ; assone as he had gotten the
victory, first of air~h«rmade a decrie, that it shoulde
be lawfull for euery man to fauoure and followe what 35
religion he would, and that he myght do the beste he *
cold to bryng other to his opinion ; so that he dyd
it peaceably, gentelye, quyetly, and soberlye, without

126 THE SECOND BOKE

hastye and contentious rebuking and inuehyng against
other. If he coulde not by fayre and gentle speche
induce them vnto his opinion, yet he should vse no
kinde of violence, and refrayne from displeasaunt and
seditious woordes. To him that would vehemently 5
and feruentlye in this cause striue and contend, was
decreid bannishment or bondage.

This lawe did kynge Vtopus make, not only for
the maintenaunce of peace, which he sawe through
continuall contention and mortal hatred vtterly ex- 1C
tinguished, but also because he thought this decrye
shuld make for the furtheraunce of religion. Wherof
he durst define and determine nothing vnaduisedly ;
as dowting whether god, desieryng manifolde and
diuers sortes of honoure, would inspire sondvie men It
with sondrie kyndes of religion. And this suerly he
thought a very vnmete and folishe thing, and a pointe
of arrogant presumption, to compell all other by
violence and threatenynges to agre to the same that
thou beleuest to bee trewe. Furthermore though 2<
there be one religion whiche alone is trewe, and all
other vayne and superstitious, yet did he well forsee
(so that the matter were handeled with reason and
sober modestie), that the trewthe of the owne powre
woulde at the laste issue owte and come to lyght. 2i
But if contention and debate in that behalfe shoulde
continuallye be vsed, as the woorste men be moste
obstynate and stubburne, and in theire euell opynion
moste constante ; he perceaued that then the beste
and holyest religion woulde be troden vnder foote and 3
destroyed by moste vayne superstitions ; euen as good
corne is by thornes and weydes ouergrowen and
choked. Therfore al this matter he lefte vndiscussed,
and gaue to euery man free libertie and choyse to
beleue what he woulde ; sauinge that he earnestly £
and straytelye chardged them, that no man shoulde
conceaue so vile and base an opinion of the dignitie
of mans nature, as to thinke that the sowles do dye

OF UTOPIA 127

/xA**7

and perishe with the bodye ; or that the worlde <, '

runneth at al auentures, gouerned by no diuine
prouidence. And therfore thei beleue that after this
lyfe vices be extreamely punyshed, and vertues
.bountyfully rewarded. Hym that is of a contrary 5
opinion they counte not in the nunibre of men, as
one that hath aualed the hyghe nature of his sowle
to the vielnes of brute beastes bodies ; inuche lesse
in the numbre of their citiziens, whoes lawes and
ordenaunces, if it were not for feare, he wold nothing 10
at al esteme. For yow may be suer that he wil study ^^
other with crafte preuely to mock, or els violently to
breake, the commen lawes of his countrey, in whom
remayneth no further feare then of the lawes, nor no
further hope then of the bodye. Wherefore he that 15
is thus mynded is depryued of all honours, excluded
from all offices, and reiecte from all common adminis
trations in the weale publyque. And thus he is of
all sorte despysed as of an vnprofitable and of a base
and vile nature. Howe be it they put hym to no 20
punyshemente, because they be perswaded that it is
in no mans powre to beleue what he lyst. No,
nor they constrayne hym not with threatninges to
dissemble his minde, and shewe countenaunce con
trary to his though te. For deceite, and falshed, and 25 ••.,.
all rnaner of lyes, as next vnto fraude, they do
meruelouslye deteste and abhorre. But they suffre
him not to dispute in his opinion, and that onlye
emong the commen people. For elles a parte, emong
the pryestes and men of grauity, they doo not only 30
suffre but also exhorte him to dispute and argue ;
hoopinge that at the laste that madnes will giue place
to reason.

There be also other, and of them no small numbre,
whych be not forbidden to speake their mindes, as 3fi
grounding their opinion vpon some reason ; being in
their liuinge nother euell nor vitious. Their heresye
is much contrary to the other. For they beleue that

128 THE SECOND BOKE

the soules of brute beastes be immortall and euerlast-
ing ; but nothinge to be compared with owers in
dignitie, nother ordeyned and predestinate to like
felicitie. For all they beleue certeinly and sewerly,
that mans blesse shall be so greate, that they doo 5
morne and lamente euerye mans sicknes, but no mans
death ; oneles it be one whom they see depart from
his liffe carfully, and agaynst his will. For this they
take for a very euell token, as though the sowle,
beinge in dyspayre and vexed in conscience, through 1C
some preuy and secret forefeilyng of the punnishment
now at hande, were aferde to depart. And they
thinke he shall not be welcome to God, whyche,
when he ys called, runneth not to hym gladly, but
ys drawen by force and sore agaynste hys wyll. They if
therfore that see thys kynde of deathe doo abhorre it,
and them that so die they burye wyth sorrow and
silence. And when they haue prayed God to be
mercifull to the sowle, and mercifully to pardon the
infirmities tb.erof, they couer the dead coorse with a
earthe.

Contrarye wise, all that depart merely and ful of good
hoope, for them no man mournethe, but followethe
the heerse with ioyfull synging, commending the
soules to god with great affection. And at the last 2
not with mourning sorrow, but with a great reuerence,
they bourne the bodies ; and in the same place they
set vp a piller of stone, with the deade mans titles
therin graued. When they be comme home they
reherse his vertuouse maners and his good dedes. 3
But no parte of his liffe is soo oft or gladly talked
of as his mery deathe. They thinke that this remem-
braunce of their vertue and goodnes doth vehementely
prouoke and enforce the quicke to vertue ; and that
nothing can be more pleasaunt and acceptable ^to the 2
dead ; whom they suppose to be present emong'them
when they talke of them, though to the dull and
feoble eye sight of mortall men they be inuisible.

OF UTOPIA 129

For it were an vnconuenient thinge. that the blessed
shoulde not be at libertye to goo whether they wold.
And it were a poynte of greate vnkyndnes in them,
to haue vtterly caste awaye the desyer of vysytynge
and seynge their frindes, to whome they were in theyr 5
lyfe tyme ioyned by mutuall loue and charytye ;
whych in good men after theyre deathe they cownte
to be rather encreasede then dymynyshede. They
beleue therefore that the deade be presentlye conuer-
saunte emong the quicke, as beholders and witnesses 10
of all their woordes and deedes. Therefore they go
more corragiously to their busines, as hauing a trust
and affiaunce in such ouerseers. And this same belefe
of the present conuersacion of their forefathers and
auncetours emonge them fearethe them from all secrete 15
dishonesty.

They vtterly despise and mocke sothe sayinges and
diuinacions of thinges to come by the flighte or
voyces of birdes, and all other diuinations of vayne
superstition, which in other countreys be in great 20
obseruation. But they highly esteame and worshippe i
miracles, that come by no helpe of nature, as workes
and ^witnesses of the presente powre of God. And
such they saye doo chaunce there very often. And
sumtimes in great and dowtefull matters, by comnien 25
intercession and prayers, they procure and obteyne
them with a suer hoope and confidence and a stedfast
beleffe.

They thinke that the contemplacion of nature, and
the prayse thereof cumminge, is to God a very accept- 30
able honour. Yet there be many so earnestly bent
and affectioned to religion, that they passe no thinge
for learning, nor giue their mindes to no knowledge
of thinges. But ydelnes they vtterly forsake and,
eschue, thinkinge felicitie after this liffe to be gotten 35
and obteined by busy labors and good exercises. Some
therfore of them attende vpon the sicke, some amend
highe waies, dense ditches, repaire bridges, digge

130 THE SECOND BOKE

turfes, grauell, and stones, fell and cleaue woode,
bring wood, corne, and other thinges into the cities
in cartes, and serue not onlye in commen woorkes,
but also in pryuate laboures, as seruauntes, yea, more
then bondmen. For what so euer vnpleasaunte, 5
harde, and vile worke is any where, from the which
labour, lothsumnes, and desperation doth fraye other,
all that they take vpon them willingly and gladly ;
procuring quyete and rest to other; remayning in
continuall woorke and labour themselfes ; not em- 1C
brayding others there wyth. They nother reproue other
mens Hues, nor glorye in theire owne. Thies men, the
more seruiseable they behaue them selfes, the moore
they be honoured of all men.

Yet they be diuided into ii. sectes. The one is of 15
.them that line single and chast, absteining not only
from the company of women, but al so from the
eating of flesh, and some of them from al maner of
beastes. Which, vtterly reiectynge the pleasures of
this present lyffe as hurtefull, be all hollye set vpon 2(

. the dessire of the lyffe to come ; by watchynge and
sweatynge hoping shortely to obtaine it, beyng in the
meane season meerye and lustye. The other sect is
no lesse desyerous of labour, but they embrace matri
mony ; not despising the solace therof ; thinking that 2.'
they can not be discharged of theire bounden duetyes
towardes nature withoute labour and toyle nor to-
wardes their natiue countreye, wythowte procreacion
of chyldren. They abstayne from no pleasure that

, dothe nothynge hynder them from laboure. They 3
loue the fleshe of fourefoted beastes, bycause they
beleue that by that meate they be made hardier and

' stronger to woorke. The Vtopians count this secte

" the wiser, but the other the hollier. Which, in that
they preferre single liffe before matrimony, and that 3
sharpe liffe before an easier liffe, if herin they
grounded vpon reason, they wold mock them ; but
now, forasmuch as they say they be ledde to it by

OF UTOPIA 131

religion, they honour and worship them. And thies
be they whome in their language by a peculyare name
they call Buthrescas, the whyche woorde by interpre
tation signifieth to vs men of religion, or religious men. *

They haue pryestes of exceding hollines, and there- 5
fore very few. For there be but xiii. in euery city,
according to the number of theire churches, sauynge l
when they go furth to battell. For than vii. of them
goo furthe wyth the armye : in whose steades so
manye newe be made at home. But the other, at 10
theyre retourne home, agayn reentre euery one into
his own place. They that be aboue the numbre,
vntyll suche tyme as they succede into the places of
the other at theyre dyinge, be in the meane season
contimiallye in companye wyth the bishoppe. For 15
he ys the chyeffe heade of them all. They be chosen ,
of the people as the other magistrates be, by secrete
voices for the auoyding of strife. After their election
they be consecrate of their owne company. They be
ouerseers of all deuyne matters, orderers of religions, 20
and as it were jugers and maisters of maners. And
it is a great dishonestye and shame to be rebuked or
spoken to by anny of them for dissolute and incon
tinent liuing.

But as it is their offyc© to gyue good exhortations 25
and cownsell, so it is the deuty of the prince and the
other magistrates to correct and punnyshe offenders ;
sauynge that the priestes, whome they find exceading
vicious liuers, thejn. they excommunicate from hauing
any interest in diuine matters. And there is almoost 30
no punnishment emonge them more feared. For they
rimhe in verye great infamy, and be inwardly tor
mented with a secrete feare of religion, and shall not !
long scape free with their bodies. For onles they, by
quycke repentaunce, approue the amendement of their 35
lyffes to the priestes, they be taken and punnished of
the cownsell as wycked and irreligious.

Both childhode and youth is instructed, and tought

K -2.

crate to

tu so

And
is nn

they thi
les hande
iguler a ;
holly offio
)icause tht-
with sue
kunceth th'
fin respect <
lity, can
Id chauno
fraile), yt
to no in
not to

shoul(
They In
>ur were
[ordre, wli
[should ru
£6 it hr

OF UTOPIA • 133

as to be meet for that dignity, to the execution and
discharge wherof it is not sufficiente to "be endued with
mean vertues.

Furthermore, thies priestes be not more estemed of
their ovvne countrey men, then they be of forrein and 5
straung countreis. "Which thing maye hereby plainly
appere. And I think al so that this is the cause of it.
For whiles the arm(i)es be fighting together in open
feld, they a litle beside, not farre of, knele vpon their
knees in their hallowed vestimentes, holding vp theyr 10 v
handes to heauen ; praying first of all for peace, nexte
for vyctory of theyr owne parte, but to neyther part
a bluddy vyctory. If jtheir . Jiost jjette the vpper hand,
they, runne in to the mayne battayle, and restrayne
theyre owne men from sleyingand cruellye pursuynge 15
theyre vanquyshed~^nnemies. Whyche ennemyes, yf
they do but see them and speake to them, yt ys ynoughe
for the sauegarde of theyr lyues ; and the towchynge
of theire clothes defendeth and saueth al their gooddes
from rauyne and spoyle. Thys thing hath auaunced 20
them to so greate wourshyp and trew maiesty emong
al nations, that many times they haue aswel preserued
theire own citizens from the cruel force of their enne-
mies, as they haue their enemies from the furyous
rage of theyre owne men. For y t ys well knowen that 25
when their owne army hathe reculed, and in dyspayre
turned backe, and runne away, theyr ennemies fyerslye
pursuing with slaughter and spoyle, then the priestes
cumming betwene haue stayed the murder, and parted
bothe the hostes ; so that peace hath bene made and 30
concluded betwine bothe partes vpon equall and in-
dyfferent condytions. For there was neuer anny natyon
so fiers, so cruell and rude, but they hadde them in
suche reuereuce, that they cownted theyr bodyes hal
lowed and sanctyfyed, and therefore not to be violentlye 35
and vnreuerentlye towched.

They kepe hollye daye the fyrste and the laste day
of euerye moneth and yeare, deuydynge the yeare into

134 THE SECOND BOKE

monethes ; whyche they measure by the course of the
moone, as they doo the yeare by the course of the
sonne. The fyrste dayes they call in theyr language
Cynemernes, and the laste Trapemernes ; the whyche
woordes maye be interpreted primifeste and finifest ; 5
or els, in our speache, first feast and last feast.

Their churches be very gorgyous, and not onelye of
fyne and curious workemanship, but also (which in
the fewenes of them was necessary) very wyde and
large, and able to receaue a great company of people. 1(
But they be all sumwhat darke. Howbeit, that was
not donne through ignoraunce in buylding, but as they
say by the cownsell of the priestes. Bicause they
thought that ouer much light doth disperse mens
cogitations ; where as in dimme and doutefull lighte 1
they be gathered together, and more earnestly fixed
vpon religion and deuocion. Which bicause it is not
there of one sort emong all men ; and yet all the kindes
and fassions of it, thoughe they be sondry and manifold,
agree together in the honoure of the deuine nature, as 2
going diuers wayes to one ende ; therfore nothing is
sene nor hard in the churches, which semeth not to
agre indifferently with them all. If there be a distinct
kind of sacrifice, peculiare to any seuerall secte, that
they execute at home in their owne houses. The 5
common sacrifices be so ordered, that they be no
derogatyon nor preiudyce to annye of the pryuate
sacryfyces and religions.

Therefore no ymage of annye god is scene in the
churche ; to the intente it maye be free for euery man ;
to conceyue god by their religion after what likenes and
similitude they will. They call vpon no peculiar name
of god, but only Mithra. In the which word they all
agree together in one nature of the deuine maiestye,
whatsoeuer it be. No prayers be vsed, but such as '
euerye man maye boldelye pronownce wythowt the
offending of anny secte.

They come therefore to the churche the laste day of

OF UTOPIA 135

euery moneth and yeare, in the euenynge, yet fastyng,
there to gyue thanckes to GOD for that they haue pros-
perouslye passed ouer the yeare or monethe, wherof
that hollye daye ys the laste daye. The next daye
they come to the churche earlye in the mornyng, to 5
praye to GOD that they maye haue good fortune and
successe all the newe yeare or monethe, whyche they
doo begynne of that same hollye daye. But in the
holly dayes that be the laste dayes of the monethes and
yeares, before they come to the churche, the wiffes fall 10
downe prostrat before their husbandes feete at home ;
and the children before the feete of their parentes ;
confessing and acknowleginge that they haue offended
other by some actuall dede, or by omission of their
dewty, and desire pardon for their offence. Thus 15
yf anye cloude of preuy displeasure was risen at home,
by this satisfaction it is ouer blowen ; that they may
be present at the sacrifices with pure and charitable
mindes. For they be aferd to come there with troubled
consciences. Therefore, if they knowe themselfes to 20
beare anye hatred or grudge towardes anye man, they
presume not to come to the sacrifices before they haue
reconcyled themselfes and purged theyre conscyences,
for feare of greate vengeaunce and punyshemente for
their offence. 25

When they come thyther, the men goo into the
ryghte syde of the churche, and the women into
the left syde. There they place themselfes in suche
ordre that all they which be of the male kind in euery
houshold sitte before the goodman of the house ; and 30
they of the female kynde before the goodwyfe. Thus
it is forsene that all their gestures and behauiours be
marked and obserued abrode of them, by whose auc-
thoritye and discipline they be gouerned at home.
This also they diligentlye see vnto, that the yonger 35
euermorebe coupled with his elder ; lest, if children be
ioyned together, they shold passe ouer that time in
childish wantonnes, wherin they ought principallye

136 THE SECOND BOKE

to conceaue a religious and deuout feere towardes god ;
v. which is the chieffe and almost the only incitation to
vertue.

They kill no liuing beast in sacrifice, nor they thinke
not that the mercifull clemency of god hath delite in 5
bloud and slaughter ; which hath geuen liffe to beastes,
to the intent they should liue. They burne franck-
ensence and other sweet sauours, and light also a
great numbre of waxe candelles and tapers ; nott sup-
posinge this geere to be any thing auaylable to the 10
diuine nature, as nother the prayers of men ; but this
vnhurtfull and harmeles kind of worship pleaseth them.
And by thies sweet sauoures, and lightes, and other
such ceremonies, men feele themselfes secretly lifted
vp, and encouraged to deuotion, with more willynge u
and feruent hartes. The people weareth in the churche
white apparell : the priest is clothed in chaungeable
coloures, whiche in workemanshyp be excellent, but in
stuffe not verye pretious. For theire vestementes be
nother embrodered with golde, nor set with precious 21
stones ; but they be wrought so fynely and connyngly
with diuers fethers of fowles, that the estimacion of no
costelye stuffe is able to counteruaile the price of the
worke. Furthermore, in thies birdes fethers, and in
the dewe ordre of them, whiche is obserued in theire 2
settyng, they saye is conteyned certayn deuyne mis-
teries ; the interpretation wherof knowen, whiche is
diligentlye tawght by the priestes, they be put in re-
membraunce of the bountyfull benefites of God towarde
them, and of the loue and honoure whiche of theire z
behalfe is dewe to God, and also of theire dewties one
towarde an other.

When the priest first commeth out of the vestrie,
thus apparelled, they fall downe incontinent euery one
reuerently to the grounde, with so styll silence on?
euery part, that the veiy fassion of the thinge striketh
into them a certayne feare of God, as though he were
there personally presente. When they haue lien

OF UTOPIA 137

a little space on the grounde, the priest giueth them
a signe for to ryse. Then they sing prayses vnto God,
whiche they intermixe with instrumentes of musick, ^
for the nioste parte of other fassions then thies
that we vse in this parte of the worlde. And like as 5
some of owrs bee muche sweter then theirs, so some
of theirs doo farre passe owrs. But in one thynge
dowteles they goo excedinge farre beyond vs. For
all theire musicke, both that they playe vpon instru
mentes, and that they singe with mans voyce, doth 10
so resemble and expresse naturall affections ; the
sovvnd and tune is so applied and made agreable to
the thynge ; that whether it bee a prayer, or els a
dytty of gladnes, of patience, of trouble, of mournynge,
or of anger, the fassion of the melodye dothe so repre- 15
sente the meaning of the thing, that it doth wonder-
fullye moue, stire, pearce, and enflame the hearers
myndes.

At the laste the people and the priest together
rehearse solempne prayers in woordes, expresslye pro- 20
nounced ; go made that euerye man may priuatelye
applye to hymselfe that which is commonlye spoken
of all. In thies prayers euerye man recogniseth and
knowledgeth God to be hys maker, hys gouernoure, V
and the principal cause of all other goodnes; thankyng 25
him for so many benefites receaued at hys hande : but
namelye, that through the fauoure of God he hath
chaunced into that publyque weale, whiche is moste
happye and welthye, and hath chosen that religion
whyche he hopeth to be moste true. In the whyche 30
thynge yf he doo annye thynge erre, or yf there bee
annye other better then eyther of them is, beynge
moore acceptable to GOD, he desiereth hym that he
wyll of hys goodnes let hym haue knowledge thereof,
as one that is readye too followe what wave soeuer he 35
wyll leade hym. But yf thys forme and fassion of
a commen wealthe be beste, and his owne religion
moste true and perfecte, then he desyreth God to gyue

138 THE SECOND BOKE

him a constaunte stedfastnes in the same, and to brynge
all other people to the same ordre of lyuyng, and to
the same opinion of God ; onles there be any thynge
that in this dyuersitie of religions doth delyte his
vnsercheable pleasure. To be shorte, he prayeth hym 5
that after his deathe he may come to hym ; but how
soone or late, that he dare not assygne or determine.
Howebeit, if it myght standewith his maiesties pleasure,
he would be muche gladder to dye a paynfull dethe
and so to go to God, then by long lyuing in worldlye 10
prosperytie to bee awaye from hym. Whan this
prayer is sayde, they fall downe to the ground agayne,
and a lytle after they ryse vp and go to dynner. And
the resydewe of the daye they passe ouer in playes,
and exercise of cheualrye. 15

Nowe I haue declared and descrybyd vnto yowe,
\ as truely as I coulde, the fourme and ordre of that
" \ commen wealth, which verely in my iudgement is not
onlye the beste, but also that whiche alone of good
ryght may clayme and take vpon it the name of a 20
common wealthe or publyque weale. For in other
places they speake stil of the coninieji wealth ; but
euerye man procureth hys owne pryuate wealthe. Here
where nothynge is pryuate, the commen afTayres be
earnestly loked vpon. And truely on both partes they 25
haue good cause so to do as they do. For in other
countreys who knoweth not that he shall sterue for
honger, onles he make some seuerall prouision for
hymself, though the commen wealthe noryshe neuer
so muche in ryches? And therefore he is compelled, 30
euen of verye necessitie, to haue regarde to hym selfe
rather then to the people, that is to saye, to other.
Contrarywyse, there where all thynges be commen to
euerye man, it is not to be dowted that anye man shal
lacke anye thynge necessarye for hys pryuate vses, so 35
that the commen store houses and barnes be suffi-
cientlye stored. For there nothynge is distrybuted
after a nyggyshe sorte, nother there is any poore man

OF UTOPIA 139

or begger. And though no man haue any thynge, yet •
euerye man is ryche. For what can be more ryche* /

then to lyue ioyfullye and merylye without all griefe *
and pensifejies ; not caryng for hys owne lyuing, nor
v;'xrd or trowMed with hys wyi'rs importunate com- 5
playntes, not drydynge pouertie to his sonne, nor
sorrowyng for his dowghters dowrey ? Yea, they take
no care at all for the lyuyng and wealthe of themsefes
and all theirs ; of theire wyfes, theire chyldren, theire
nephewes, theire childrens chyldren, and all the sue- 10
cession that euer shall followe in theire posteritie.
And yet, besydes thys, there is no lesse prouision for y
them that were ones labourers, and be nowe weake
and impotent, then for them that do nowe laboure
and take payne. 15

Heere nowe woulde I see yf anye man dare be so
bolde, as to compare with thys equytie the iustice of
other nations. Among whom, I forsake God, if I can
fynde any signe or token of equitie and iustice. For
what" tu^trce"ls~~tiriv^liat"a Tyclie goldsmythe or an 20
vsurer, or, to be shorte, any of them, whyche other
doo nothyng at all ; or els that whiche they do is
suche, that it is not very necessary to the commen ^J.
wealthe ; should haue a pleasaunt and a welthy
lyuynge, other by Idilnes, or by vnnecessary busynes ? 25 '
when in the meane tyme poore labourers, carters,
yronsmythes, carpenters, and plowmen, by so great
and continual toyle, as drawyng and bearyng beastes
be skant able to susteine ; and agayn so necessary
toyle that with out it no commen wealth were able to 30
continewe and endure one yere ; do yet get so harde
and poore a lyuing, and lyue so wretched and miserable
a lyfe, that the state and condition of the labouring
beastes maye seme muche better and welthier. For
they be not put to so contynuall laboure, nor theire 35
lyuynge is not muche worse ; yea, to them much
pleasaunter ; takynge no thowghte in the meane season
for the tyme to come. But thies seilie poore wretches

140 THE SECOND BOKE

be presently tormented with barreyne and vnfrutefull
labour. And the remembraunce of theire poore in
digent and begerlye olde age kylleth them vp. For
theire dayly wages is so lytle that it will not suffice
for the same daye ; muche lesse it yeldeth any ouer- 5
plus, that may dayly be layde vp for the relyefe of
olde age.

Is not thys an vniust and an vnkynd publyque weale,
whyche gyueth great fees and rewardes to gentelmen,
as they call them, and to goldsmythes, and to suche 10
other, whiche be other ydell persones or els onlye
flatterers, and deuysers of vayne pleasures ; and, of the
contrary parte, maketh no gentle prouision for poore
plowmen, collars, laborers, carters, yronsmythes, and
carpenters ; without whome no commen wealth can 15
_ continewe ? But when it hath abused the laboures of
theire lusty and flowringe age, at the laste, when they
be oppressed with olde age and syckenes, being nedye,
poore, and indigent of all thynges ; then, forgettynge
theire so many paynfull watchynges, not remembrynge 20
theire so many and so great benefytes ; recompenseth
and acquyteth them moste vnkyndly with myserable
death. * And yet besides this the riche men not only
by priuate fraud, but also by commen lawes, do euery
day plucke and snatche away from the poore some 25
parte of their daily liuing. So, where as it semed
before uniuste to recompense with vnkindnes their
paynes that haue bene beneficiall to the publique
weale, nowe they haue to this their wrong and vniuste
dealinge (whiche is yet a muche worse pointe), geuen 80
the name of iustice, yea, and that by force of a law.

Therfore when I consider and way in my mind all
thies commen wealthes which now a dayes any where
do florish, so god helpe me, I can perceaue nothing

• but a certein conspiracy of riche men, procuringe theire 35

* owne commodities vnder the name and title of the
commen wealth. They inuent and deuise all meanes
and craftes, first how to kipe safely without feare of

OF UTOPIA 141

losing that they haue vniustly gathered together ; and
next how to hire and abuse the woorke and labour of
the poore for as litle money as may be. Thies deuyses
when the riche men haue decreed to be kept and
obserued for the commen wealthes sake, that is to 5
saye, for the wealth also of the poore people, then they
be made lawes. But thies most wicked and vicious
men, when they haue by their vnsatiable couetousnes
deuided emong themselfes all those thinges which wold
haue suffised all men, yet howe farre be they from the 10
wealth and felicity of the vtopian commen wealth?
owt of the which in that all the desire of moneye with
the vse therof is vtterly secluded and bannisshed,
howe great a heape of cares is cut away ? How great
an occasion of wickednes and mischiefe is plucked vp 15
by the rotes ? For who knoweth not that fraud, theft,
rauine. brauling, quarelling, brabling, striffe, chiding,
contention, murder, treason, poisoning ; which by
dayly punishmentes are rather reuenged then refrained ;
do dye when money dieth ? And also that feare, griefe, 20
care, laboures, and watchinges, do perishe, euen the
very same moment that money perissheth? Yea,
pouerty it selfe, which only semed to lacke money,
if money were gone, it also wold decrease and vanishe
away. 26

And that you may perceaue this more plainly, con
sider with your selfes some barrein and vnfrutefull
yeare, wherin many thousandes of people haue starued
for honger. I dare be bolde to say, that in the end
of that penury so much corne or grain might haue 30
bene found in the riche mens barnes, if they had
bene searched, as being deuided emong them, whome
famine and pestilence hath killed, no man at all
should haue felt that plage and penury. So easely
might men gett their liuinge, if that same worthye 38
princesse, lady money, did not alon stoppe vp the way
betwene vs and our liuing; whiche a goddes name
was very excellently deuised and inuented, that by

142 THE SECOND BOKE

her the way therto should be opened. I am sewer the
ryche men perceaue thys, nor they be not ignoraunte
how much better yt werre to lacke noo necessarye
thynge then to abunde with ouermuch superfluyte ;
to be rydde owte of innumerable cares and trowbles, 5
then to be beseiged wyth greate ryches. And I dowte
not that other the respecte of euery mans priuate
commoditie, or els the aucthority of oure sauioure
Christe (which for his great wisdom could not but
know what were best, and for his inestimable goodnes 10
cold not but counsell to that which he knew to be
best) wold haue brought all the wordle long agoo into
the lawes of this weale publique, if it were not that one
only beast, the princesse and mother of all mischiefe,
pride, doth withstonde and let it. She measureth not 15
wealth and prosperity by here own commodities, but
by the miseriies and incommodities of other. She
wold not by her good will be made; a goddes, if there
were no wretches left, whom she might be lady ouer
to mocke and scorne ; ouer whose miseries her felicity 20
might shine, whose pouerty she might vexe, torment,
and encrease by gorgiously setting furthe her riches.
This hell hound crepeth in to mens hartes, and
plucketh them backe from entering the right pathe
of liffe ; and is so depely roted in mens brestes, that 25
she can not be plucked out.

This forme and fassion of a weale publique, which
I wold gladly wisshe vnto all nations, I am glad yet
that it hath chaunced to the Vtopians ; which haue
followed those institutions of liffe, wherby they haue 3(
laid such fondations of their common wealth, as shall
continew and last, not only wealthely. but also, as
farre as mans wit maye iudge and coniecture, shall
endure for euer. For seinge the chiefe causes of
ambition and sedition with other vices be plucked vp a
by the rootes and abandoned at home, there can be
no ieopardye of domesticall dissention ; which alone
hathe caste vnder fote and broughte to noughte the

OF UTOPIA 143

well fortefied and strongly defenced wealth and riches
of many cities. But for asmuch as perfect concord
remaineth, and holsome lawes be executed at home,
the enuy of all forrein princes be not able to shake or
moue the empire, though they haue many tymes long 5
ago gone about to do it, beinge euermore dreuen
backe.

Thus when Kaphaell hadde made an ende of his
tale, thoughe manye thinges came to my mind which
in the manners and lawes of that people senaed to be 10
instituted- and founded of no good reason, not only in
the fassion of their cheualry and in their sacrifices and
religions, and in other of their lawes, but also, yea
and chieffely, in that which is the principall fondacion
of al their ordinaunces, that is to saye, in the com- 15
munitie of theire liffe and liuinge, without anny
occupieng of money ; by the whyche thynge onelye
all nobilitie, magnificence, wourship, honour, and
maiestie, the true ornamentes and honoures, as the
common opinion is, of a common wealth, vtterly be 20
ouerthrowen and destroyed ; yet, bicause I knew that
he was wery of talkinge, and was not sure whether
he coulde abide that any thing shoulde be said againste
hys minde ; speciallye bicause I remembred that he
had reprehended this fault in other, which be aferd 25
least they shoulde seme not to be wise enough, onles
they could find some fault in other mens inuentions :
therfore I, praising both their institutions and his
communication, toke him by the hand, and led him
into supper ; saying that we wold chuse an other 30
time to way and examine the same matters, and to
talke wyth him more at lardge therin. Whiche wold
to God it might ones come to passe. In the mean
time as I can not agree and consent to all thinges that
he said ; being els without dowte a man singulerly 35 \
well learned, and also in all wordely matters exactely
and profoundely experienced ; so must I nedes confesse

144 THE SECOND BOKE OF UTOPIA

and graunt, that many thinges be in the vtopian weal
publique, which in our cities I may rather wisshe for
then hoope after.

Thus endeth the afternones talke
of Kaphaell Hythlodaye con
cerning the lawes and in
stitutions of the Hand
of Vtopia.

C 31mpnnteD at Lon&on

by Abraham Vele, dwelling in Paula

churcheyarde at the sygne of

the Lambe. Anno.

NOTES

BOOK I

Utopia. There can be no doubt that More compounded
the name from ov and TOTTOS, for in his letter to Erasmus
dated London, 1517, he speaks of his book Utopia by the
name of ' Nusquama,1 and in a second letter to him dated
September 3, 1517, he says ' Nusquamam nostram nusquam
bene scriptam ad te mitto ' (Erasmi Opera, ed. Leyden, 1703 ;
torn. iii. part ii. pp. 1629 and 1664) ; nor can there be the
smallest doubt that ' Nusquama ' was coined from ' Nus
quam '; as is borne out by Bude's letter to Lupset prefixed
to the Utopia— 'Utopia vero insula quam etiam Udepotiam
appellari audio,1 ' Udepotiam ' being obviously a play on
ovdfTTore. But, the play on ov and «u being so obvious, it is
not surprising that that play on the words became common;
BO the Poet Laureate of the Island is made to say

4 Utopia priscis dicta ob infrequentiam,
Nunc civitatis aemula Platonicae . . .
Eutopia merito sum vocanda nomine.'

See ' Hexastichon Anemolii Poetae Laureati,' in the
preliminary matter to the Utopia. But this must not mislead
us, as it has misled Dibdin, Bailey, the Italian translator,
and others.

The word, as Scaliger observed, is not legitimately formed.
[See for an interesting discussion on the subject Notes and
Queries, seventh series, vol. v. pp. 101-2, 229-31.] Rabelais
nowhere mentions More, but he has borrowed the name
Utopia (Pantagruel, bk. ii. ch. xxviii ; bk. iii. ch. i), just as he
has borrowed his Amaurots and his kingdom of Achory from
him (Id. bk. ii. ch. xxiv). Cf. too his island of Medamothy
(Nowhere) (Mr;Sa/Lid6't), Id. bk. iv. ch. ii. It has been conjec
tured, but quite groundlessly, that the Englishman Thaumast
(Pantagtwl, bk. ii. ch. xviii-xx) was intended for More.

P. 1, 1. 9. king of Castell. Charles V, afterwards (1519)
Emperor, was at this time (1515) a youth of fifteen ; he had

146 UTOPIA

been proclaimed King of Castile on the death of his grand
father Ferdinand in January, 1516 (see Introduction).

1. 13. cuthebert Tunstall. Born in 1474 at Hack-
forth in the North Riding of Yorkshire. He studied both at
Oxford and Cambridge, and was appointed to several eccle
siastical preferments, including the Prebend of Stowe Longa,
Lincoln, and the Archdeaconry of Chester. In May, 1515,
he was appointed Ambassador to Brussels, as is here recorded,
and in the following May he became Master of the Rolls.
In 1522 he was made Bishop of London, and in the following
year Keeper of the Privy Seal. In 1530 he was translated
to the See of Durham. On the accession of Queen Elizabeth
he refused to take the oath of allegiance, and was accordingly
deprived of his preferment in 1559, and died the same year
at Lambeth where he was residing with Archbishop Parker.
The high character given by More to Tunstall is not
exaggerated ; he was honourably distinguished not only
by his scholarship but by his humanity. ' Dispeream si quid
habet haec aetas cum eo viro conferendum ' is Erasmus's
expression about him (Ep. 241, c. 1658). For more about
TunstalTs character see Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. I. i.

1. 25. as the Prouerbe sayth. The earliest forms
of this proverb appear to be those given by Erasmus
(Adag. 1629, p. 12) 'Lucernam adhibere in meridie,' and
(p. 18) 'solem adiuvare facibus,' 'to bring up a lamp at
noonday,' ' to assist the sun with torches.'

1. 26. Bruges, the chief mercantile town of Belgium
for many centuries. As early as the seventh century it held
the rank of a city. But in 1488, on account of a rising by
its citizens against the Archduke Maximilian, it was deprived
of its privileges, and thenceforth lost its commercial import
ance, which was for the most part transferred to Antwerp.

1.29. Marcgraue. This title (= count of the marches),
originally a territorial title possessed by the Princes of the
Empire, came to be applied to the chief magistrate of
Bruges.

1. 31. George Temsice. Georgius a Tempseca (de
Theimsecke) was a native of Bruges, and wrote a history
of Artois (Lupton) ; beyond these facts nothing seems to
be known about him.

P. 2, 1. i. Casaelles. Now Cassel, a town in the depart
ment du Nord of France, between Hazebrouck and Dunkirk.

1. 9. Bruxelle, Brussels, a French form of the word,
now spelt Bruxelles.

NOTES: BOOK I 147

1. 15. Peter Gyles. Petrus Gillius, or Aegidius, to whom
More dedicated the Utopia, was the son of Nicholas, ' quaestor
urbis,' and was born at Antwerp in or about 1486. He was
a pupil of Erasmus, who not only directed his studies, but
remained through life his cordial friend. See the many
affectionate letters addressed to him in Erasmus's correspon
dence. The Epithalamium in Erasmus's Colloquia (Opera
Omnia, ed. 1703, vol. i. pp. 746-9) was composed in honour
of his marriage. He had been made town clerk (Stadt-
schreiber) of Antwerp in 1510. Erasmus speaks of him
in the highest terms in the Epithalamium as ' candidissimus
ille iuvenis et omnibus politioris literaturae deliciis expo-
litissimus.' It would appear that Erasmus recommended
More and Tunstall to Giles. (See Erasmus, Letter civ.)
Giles was an accomplished Latin poet. He died Nov. II,
1533. The character which More gives of him is amply
borne out by what Erasmus says of him. See particularly
Epistolae, cc, cciii, and Appendix, Epist. cxv.

1. 19. the yong man. Giles would be at this time
about twenty-nine.

1. 28. vsithe . . . dyssymulatyon. This is a very dif
fuse rendering of the original, which is ' nemini longius
abestfucus' (from no man is paint— artifice — farther off).
The distinction between simulation and dissimulation which
Robynson was thinking of is given in the well-known line
'Quod non es simulas, dissimulasque quod es,' 'You pretend
to be what you are not, and you pretend not to be what
you are.'

P. 3, 1. i. when I hadde herde. Ed. i, 'as I was
herynge.'

1. 2. our ladies churche. The Cathedral of Notre
Dame at Antwerp, which had been completed only a few
years before, though begun early in the fifteenth century.
It is still one of the finest specimens of Gothic architecture
on the Continent, with a spire 366 feet high.

1. 5. the seruice beynge done. Ed. I reads 'when
the deuyne was done.' The adjective seems occasionally to
have stood alone in this sense. The N. E. D. quotes ( Will of
Vavesour) ' to sing devyne for my sowle.' Burnet paraphrases
the original ' peracto sacro,' ' as I was returning home from
Mass.'

1. 9. homely, plainly, carelessly. Cf. Chaucer, Prol.
325 ' He rood but hoomly in a medlee cote,' and Latimer
(Second Sermon before Edward VI), ' Homilyes, they may

L 2

148 UTOPIA

well be called, for they are homely handeled.' Dr. Lupton
thinks there may be some allusion to the careless way
in which More, according to Ascham, wore his gown (see
Scholemaster, ed. Mayor, p. 180).

1. 10. fauour, appearance, aspect, or face, a common
use of the word in sixteenth-century English. Cf. Skelton,
Poems against Gamishe, ' The favyr of your face is voyd
of all grace ' ; and Shakespeare, Macbeth, L 5. 73 ' to alter
favour ever is to fear.'

This sense survives in the term 'ill-favoured,' 'well-
favoured.'

1. ii. But when thys. Ed. 2 reads 'But the sayde
Peter seyng me, came vnto me & saluted me.'

1. 23. Than I coniectured, i.e. 'then.' 'Then' is fre
quently spelt ' than ' in older English. The two words
' than ' and ' then ' like turn and tarn, quum and quam in
Latin are closely connected, and are indeed simple variants
of the same word. (See Abbott's Shakespearian Grammar,
Ed. 1883, p. 52.)

1. 27. Palynure. Palinurus was the pilot of Aeneas.
Virg. Aen. iii. 202, and v. 832 seqq.

1. 28. Ulisses. Ulysses the son of Laertes, the Greek
chief, and Lord of Ithaca, whose adventures after the fall
of Troy are related in Homer's Odyssey.

1. 29. Plato. Plato is said to have visited Egypt,
Sicily, and other foreign places for the purpose of acquiring
knowledge. To his travels there are many references in
ancient writers. Cf. Cicero, De Finibus, v. 29, Valerius
Maximus, viii. 7, § 3, and Diogenes Laertius, iii. 6.

1. 30. Raphaell Hythlodaye. Dr. Lupton derives this
name from vO\os, babble or idle talk, and Saieiv, to distribute.
But is it not more natural to suppose that the derivation is
from dd'ios in its secondary sense of ' skilled in,' ' knowing in,'
from 8ao>, or rather &a.r)i>ai ? Stephens's Thesaurus under o'rii'of
paraphrases f/jL-rreipos (skilled in) and translates 'peritus,'
quoting Anth. Plan. iv. 119 to support this sense of the
word, which is also preserved in Satypaiv. Dr. Lupton some
what fancifully suggests that the Christian name Raphael is
borrowed from Raphael Volaterranus, the voluminous author
of the Commentarii Urbani printed in 1511. This is at any
rate more plausible than the theory of the French translator
(1559), who supposes that it is borrowed from the Archangel
Raphael, and is meant to indicate the spiritual energy at
work in the composition of the romance.

NOTES: BOOK I 149

1. 37. Senecaes. Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the Roman
philosopher, and tutor of the Emperor Nero, by whom he
was subsequently ordered to put himself to death. He
flourished during the first half of the first century, dying
A.r>. 65. His philosophical writings are certainly more
original than is common with Romans when treating of such
subjects.

Ciceroes. Marcus Tullius Cicero, the great Roman
orator and man of letters; born B.C. 106, assassinated
B.C. 43. The reference is to his voluminous philosophical
writings.

doinges. Now a rare use of the word as a synonym
for 'works,' and always in plural in this sense.

P. 4, 1. i. Portugalle. The form commonly used in
Elizabethan English for Portuguese. So Hakluyt speaks
of 'the Spaniards and Portu gales in Barberie,' Voyages, ii
Ded., and Peele, Battle of Alcazar, iv. 2 ' Now have I set
these Portugals a work.'

1. 4. Amerike vespuce. Amerigo Vespucci was born
at Florence, March 9, 1451, the son of a Notary. After
passing some time as a clerk in the service of the Medici he
entered the service of Juonoto Bernard!, a Florentine mer
chant who had fitted out the second expedition of Columbus
in 1493. This brought Amerigo into contact with the spirit
of exploration and travel so energetic at that time, and
in 1497 he embarked on his first voyage. Between that
date and 1504 he made, according to his own account, no
less than four voyages, of which an account is given, drawn
partly from his own narrative in the Quatuor Amend Vesputii
Navigationes—the work referred to by More — appended to
Cosmographiae Introductio, printed at St. Die in the Vosges
in 1507. For the portion of the narrative on which the
Utopia was founded, see Introduction. After his return
to Lisbon from his fourth voyage Amerigo went back to
Spain and settled at Seville, where he died February 22,
1512. For an excellent account of him and a discussion
of the attempt made to attribute to him the honour of
having anticipated Cabot and Columbus in the discovery
of the American Continent, see Major's Life of Prince Henry
of Portugal, p. 366 seqq.

1. 13. Gulike. A very singular misinterpretation of
More's Latin by Robynson. As he found Castellum printed
with a capital C he supposed it to be the name of a place,
and finding, as Dr. Lupton conjectures, in the old dictionaries

150 UTOPIA

that Castellum was the Latin name for Jiilich (the French
Juliers, or as it was sometimes spelt, Gulike, a town twenty-
three miles west of. Cologne) he assumed that it was this
place. More is no doubt referring to the passage in
the Quatuor Navigationes (see Introduction), where it is
described how a garrison or factory of twenty-four men
with arms and provisions was left in Cape Frio by Vespucci
in June, 1 504 : the words being ' Relictis igitur in castello
praefato Christicolis xxiiii,' &c.

1. 14. for hys mindes sake. Lat. ' ut obtemperaretur
animo eius,' to comply with his inclination.

1. 17. He that hathe no graue, &c. Lucan, vii. 819
' Caelo tegitur qui non habet urnam,' cf. too the line of
Maecenas cited by Seneca, Epp. xiv. 4 ' Nee turnulum euro :
sepelit natura relictos.'

The second saying is, as Dr. Lupton notes, plainly an
adaptation of the saying of Anaxagoras (preserved by Cicero,
Tusc. i. § 104), who, on his friends asking him, when he was
dying at Lampsacus, whether in the event of his death he
would wish to be carried to his country Clazomenae, replied
' There is no necessity ; for on all sides the way to the
shades below is equally long,' 'Nihil necesse est, inquit,
undique enim ad inferos tantundem viae est.' Cf. Roper's
Life of More, p. 79 (Ed. Singer), where More is represented
as saying of his prison the Tower, ' Is not this house as
nighe heaven as myne owne ? '

1. 24. Gulykyans, a mistranslation of Castellanorum,
i. e. those in the fort (see note on Gulike, above).

1. 25. Taprobane. The Greek corruption of the native
name for Ceylon, TarrpopdvT], situated on the S.E. of the
peninsula of Hindostan. Utopia would thus lie somewhere
between India and S. America.

1. 26. Calyquit. Now Calicut; a seaport town in the
province of Malabar, India. It was the first Indian port
visited by Vasco de Gauia in May, 1498. The name of the
place is properly Colicodu.

1. 28. nothynge lease then lokyd for. Anything
rather than expected, quite unexpected by any one. The origi
nal has ' praeter spem ' ; N. E. D. quotes Greneway's Tacitus,
xxx ' The Barbarous people know nothing less than engines
and subtill devises.' French ' rien moins que.'

1. 35. haylsede. Hailed, greeted ; from Old Norse heilsa,
'to greet,' say, hail. N. E. D. quotes from Palsgrave, 'I
haylse, or greete, je salue.'

NOTES: BOOK I 151

P. 5, 1. I. tomes. Middle-English plur. of torf, a form of
turf. Cf. original ' in scamno cespitibus herbeis constrato.'
The same sort of seat is mentioned in Chaucer's Marchantes
Tale (990-1), 'Adoun him sette, Upon a bench of turves,
fresh and grene.'

1. 9. harmelese. Free from harm : uninjured. Chaucer,
Leg. of Good Women, 2664 'To passen harmlesse of that
place.'

occupyed. In the earlier English sense of dealing or
trading with; N. E. D. quotes Marbeck, Boke of Notes, p. 653
' He gained much by occupieing with the Jewes and Chris
tians.' Cf. Tyndale's translation of St. Luke xix. 13 ' Occupy
till I come,'— that is, 'go on trading.'

1. 13. mere. Exactly the Latin merus, pure ; cf. our
modern expression, 'pure generosity.'

1. 17. was in botys, i.e. in boats, one of the many
variants of ' boat,' and of the plural.

1. 21. holsom. Wholesome,. but a more correct form,
for the word comes directly from the Middle-English holsum,
holsom, halsum being suggested by the Icelandic heilsamr
(Skeat).

1. 22. lyne equynoctyall, i. e. the equator.

1. 28. owte of fasshyon. A curious translation of the
original 'horrida,' which simply means 'rough.' 'Fashion'
here = form or shape, so the phrase means 'out of shape,'
or ' ill made,' so, ' rough, uncouth.'

P. 6, 1. I. borderers. The Lat. has 'finitimos,' neigh
bouring people.

1. 3. occasion, i. e. an opportunity afforded. Almost =
the Latin occasio. Cp. Milton, Par. Lost, ix. 480 'Let me
not let pass Occasion which now smiles.'

1. II. rydged kyeles. Keels running like a ridge at
the bottom of the ships. The original is 'acuminatas cari-
nas,' sharpened or pointed.

1. 17. feate; here answers closely to 'use,1 merely em
phasizing that word — the original being simply ' usus.'

lode stone. Though the polarity of the mag
netic needle had been known long before More's time,
it was not, as Dr. Lupton remarks, till the fifteenth cen
tury that it seems to have been applied to purposes of
navigation.

1. 22. in so doynge, ferther frome care then iec-
pardye ; i.e. ' freer from anxiety than from danger,' a literal
rendering of the Latin ' securi magis quam tuti.'

152 UTOPIA

1. 25. tourne them. As the Latin shows, 'them' is
here the dative, ' shall turn to evil and harm for them.'

1. 31. in an other place. That is, in the Second Book
of the Utopia.

1. 36. cyuyle pollycye. Such a course of conduct as
becomes citizens living as citizens should live— in the original
' civiliter conviventes.' Cf. Starkey's Dialogue between Pole
and Lupset : ' I cal the cyuyle lyfe lyuyng togyder in
gud and polytyke ordur, one euer redy to dow gud to a
nother, and as hyt were conspyryng togydur in al vertue
and honesty' (Ed. J. M. Cowper, Early English Text Soc.,
p. 11).

P. 7, 1. 4. Scyllaes. Scylla, the monster represented by
Homer, Odyssey, xii. 85 seqq., and Virgil, Aen. iii. 426 seqq.,
as residing on one of the two rocks between Italy and Sicily
— the 'barking' is Homer's Seivov \f\aKvln, and Virgil's
' caeruleis canibus resonantia saxa.' For a full description of
the monster see Ovid, Met. xiv. 51 seqq.

Celenes. Celaeno was chief of the Harpies ; see Virgil,
Aen. iii. 211.

Lestrygones. A savage tribe who destroyed eleven of
Ulysses' ships with their crews. See Odyssey, x. 82 seqq.

1. 12. ensample = example, the reading of the second
edition.

1. 15. intreate. Archaic form of ' entreat,' to deal with
or treat of in a specified matter, so 'describe' or 'relate.'
Frequently used without the preposition ' of.' Cf. Latimer,
2nd Serm. Convoc. i. 43 'It should be too long to intreate
how the children of light are ingendered.'

1. 26. connynge— 'knowing,' as we might say. ' Per-
fecte ' is the reading of Ed. 2.

1. 29. geaste wyse, like or after the manner of a guest.
The suffix ' wise ' from old Saxon ' wisa,' Anglo-Saxon ' wise,''
way, manner, was used more frequently in early English
than it is now, though it is stereotyped in the adverbs and
adjectives, 'anywise,' ' nowise,' otherwise,' 'sidewise,' 'cross
wise,1 &c.

1. 31. I wondere greatlye, &c. For the connexion of
this passage with More's life see Introduction.

1. 37. are meat. Ed. 2 omits ' are.'

P. 8, 1. 5. I passe not greatly for them. A common
use of the word in earlier English, meaning ' care ' or
have regard to. It is almost universally found with the
negative, like aXeytiv in Greek. ' As for these silken-coated

NOTES: BOOK I 153

slaves, I pass not' (Shakespeare, 2 Hen. VI, iv. 2. 156) ;
and Drayton, 'I pass not what it may be1 (Question of
Cynthia).

1. 17. Naye god forbedde, &c. Robynson's version
is here most inadequate and defective. The original Latin
is ' Bona verba, inquit Petrus ; mihi visum est non ut servias
regibus, sed ut inservias. Hoc est, inquit ille, una syllaba
plus quam servias ' ; that is, 'soft and fair,' said Peter, ' I do
not mean that you should be a slave to kings, but an
assistant to them.' 'This latter,' said Hythlodaye, 'is only
a syllable longer than the former': that is, the one is
'servias,' the other 'inservias.' Dr. Lupton paraphrases
this as 'service at a Court is only short for servitude.'
Robynson omits the passage in Hythlodaye's reply containing
the play on the word.

1. 29. greate states . . . realm.es. Robynson's paraphrase
of the single word ' Purpurati ' of the original. For this
sense of ' States ' cf. Middleton, Game of Chess, Prol. ' First
you shall see the men in order set, States and their Pawns.'
So Hexam (quoted in Balees Boole] speaks of 'The twelve
Peeres or States of the Kingdome of France.'

1. 31. sike. Ed. 2 'sue.'

1. 32. thynke it. Note the imperative mood, ' Do not
you think it.'

P. 9, 1. 11. For from the prynce. Cf. Starkey's Dia
logue, J. M. Cowper (E. E. T. S.), p. 48: 'For lyke as
al wyt, reson and sens, felyng, lyfe and al other natural
powar spryngeth out of the hart, so from the prynces
and rularys of the State commyth al lawys, ordur and
pollycy, al justice, vertue and honesty to the rest of thys
polytyke body.'

1. 20. nother. See Glossarial Index.

1. 23. moste parte of all princes. This picture of the
Princes and Kings of More's time is amply illustrated by
Erasmus. Hallam in his Introduction to the Literature of
Europe, vol. i. pp. 286, 289, has collected and translated the
chief passages in the Adagia bearing on this question. The
most remarkable are in the commentary on the adage
' Scarabaeus aquilam quaerit,' chil. iii, cent, vii, prov. i,
and ' Frons occipitio.' With these compare Philip de
Commines, Memoires, bk. i. ch. x ; bk. ii. vi ; bk. v. xviii.
Both especially dwell on their ignorance, selfishness,
rapacity, cruelty, tyranny, and indifference to everything
except what concerns their ambitions or contributes to their

154 UTOPIA

pleasure. The Dialogue between Pole and, Lupaet dwells with
equal emphasis on the injuries inflicted on subjects by these
vices and the necessity for reform by curtailing their power.
Compare Swift's Gulliver s Travels, part iii. ch. viii : ' Three
kings protested to me that in their whole reigns they never
did once prefer any person of merit, unless by mistake or
treachery of some minister in whom they confided, neither
would they do it if they were to live again, and they showed
with great strength of reason that their royal throne could
not be supported without corruption, because that positive,
confident, and restive temper, which virtue infused into a
man, was a clog to public business.'

1. 34. sauing that they do shamefully, &c. More
may have been thinking of Juvenal's description of the
parasite, Sat. Jii. 101 seqq.

P. 10, 1. 2. So both the rauen and the ape. An adapta
tion or another form of proverbs quoted by Erasmus
(Adagia, chil. iv. cent, x) as illustrating ' asinus asino, et
sus sui pulcher.'

1. 5. haue despite at. Hold in contempt. Cf. Chaucer,
Melib. 452 ' Peradventure Christ hath thee in despit';
Caxton, Golden Legend, 'He hadde in despite fader and moder.'

1. 9. fare, behave. A rare use of the word. Nares
quotes Hey wood, Troia Britannica, ' His bottles gone, still
stands he strangely faring.'

1. 12. diserdes, a variant of dizzards = clowns, jesters,
blockheads. The word is found in many forms, 'disarde,'
'dysarde,' 'dyzerde,' and is probably derived from 'diseur'
(Lat. dicere]. N. E. D. quotes Skelton, Image Ipocr.: 'To
go gaye With wonderful array As dysardes in a play.' See
Glossarial Index.

1. 14. fawt. M. E. faut, from O.F./awte; I inserted in
F. in the l6th century, and adopted by English writers.

1. 20. As who should saye, &c. This was the favourite
cry of the Obscurantists ; see Epistolae obscurorum
Virorum, passim.

1. 28. lewde, ouerthwarte. Lewd is here used in the
primary sense of unlearned, ignorant (see Glossary). Over-
thivarte = perversely. So in Nares's Terence, ' obstinate
operam dat ' is translated 'he deals overthwartly with me ' ;
cf. Euphues, ed. Arber, p. 378 ' Necessary it is that among
friends there should be some overthwarting.'

1. 33. insurreccion, i. e. the Cornish insurrection of
1497. The men of Cornwall, led by Lord Audley and

NOTES: BOOK I 155

Flammock an attorney, and one Michael Joseph, marched
on London, but were defeated at Blackheath, on June 22
of that year, the leaders being captured and executed. ' There
were,' says Hall, ' slaine of the rebels whiche fought and
resisted two thousand men and moo.' For a vivid account
of this see Hall's Chronicle, Henry VII, sub ann. XII Yere ;
cf. Holinshed's Chronicles, ed. 1808, vol. iii. p. 515 seq., and
Bacon's Henry VII, sub ann. 1497.

1. 38. Jhon Morton. Born either at Bere Regis or
Milborne St. Andrew in Dorsetshire about 1420. He received
his early education at the Abbey of Cerne, and then went to
Balliol College, Oxford. While practising as an advocate
in the Court of Arches, he attracted the notice of Cardinal
Bourchier, who bestowed on him several preferments besides
introducing him to King Henry VI. His 'fidelity to that
unhappy monarch throughout his misfo~tunes attracted
Edward IV, who on his accession took Morton into his
councils, appointed him Master of the Rolls in 1473, and
Bishop of Ely six years later, and made him one of the exe
cutors of his will. Richard III had no love for him, but put
him into prison, nominally as a ward of the Duke of Bucking
ham ; he escaped to the Isle of Ely, and shortly after fled in
disguise to the Continent, where he joined the Earl of Rich
mond (subsequently Henry VII), and is said to have been the
first to propose the union of the two Houses of York and Lan
caster by marriage with Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of
Edward IV. In 1486 he was made Archbishop of Canterbury,
in 1487 Lord Chancellor, and in 1493 created a Cardinal by
Pope Alexander VI. He died in September 1 500, and was
buried in Canterbury Cathedral. More's character of Morton
is not corroborated by Bacon, who describes Morton as 'a wise
man and an eloquent, but in his nature harsh and haughty,
much accepted by the King, but envied by the nobility and
hated of the people.' The unpopularity of the deviser of
' Morton's fork ' is not difficult to understand.

P. 11, 1. 25. in the chiefs of hys youth, 'ab prima fere
iuventa ' ; ' almost from boyhood ' would be a simpler
rendering.

1. 28. tumbled and tossed in the wanes of. The first
edition reads ' troubled and tossed with ' ; which is not
so near to the Latin, 'variis fortunae aestibus assidue
iactatus.'

1. 33. a certayne laye man. In More's time and
previously it was not common for laid — that is, non-clerics — to

156 UTOPIA

be acquainted with the law ; and therefore More emphasizes
the fact that the speaker was a layman.

1. 37. fellones. The derivation of this word is very un
certain ; its general meaning is a vile or wicked person,
a villain or wretch, and in that sense it is used here. The
punishment against which More represents Hythlodaye as
protesting continued to be the law in England till 1827
(7 and 8 George IV, c. 28, § 7) ; see Stephen, Hist, of the
Criminal Law in England, vol. i. p. 472. Philanthropists
had continually protested against the severity of the penalty,
and with More's words may be compared what Starkey says
in his Dialogue between Pole and lAipset (ed. Cowper, p. 119) :
' Wyth us for every lytyl theft, a man ys by and by hengyd
wythout niercy or pitie, wych, me semyth, ys agayne nature
and humanyte. Specyally when they steyle for necessyte
wythout murdur or manslaughter commytted therein.' The
remarks with which Coke, scarcely a century after More's
death, concluded his Third Institute may also be compared.
— ' What a lamentable case it is to see so many Christian
men and women strangled on that cursed tree of the gallows,
insomuch as if in a large field a man might see together
all the Christians that but in one year throughout England
came to that untimely and ignominious death, if there were
any sparke of grace or charity in him, it would make his
heart to bleed for pity and commiseration.' Coke upon Little
ton, Epilogue to Third Inst. (Ed. Hargrave and Butler, vol.
vi. p. 244).

1. 38. were for the moste part. Robynson is not quite
accurate in his rendering of the Latin original, ' quos
passim narrabatnonnunquam suspendi viginti in unacruce,'
who, he said, were being hanged in all quarters, some
times twenty at a time on one gallows.

P. 12, 1. 8. the limites (of) Justyce. Ed. I reads ' of the
lymytes Justyce.'

1. ii. refrayne men. The proper sense of the word
refrenare, 'hold in with a bit.' So Proverbs i. 15 'my son,
refrain thy feet from their path.' Ed. 2 reads ' rei'rayne and
withhold.'

1. 32. blacke heath Side. See note on p. 10, 1. 33.

1. 33. warres in Fraunce. On the death of Francis
Duke of Brittany at the end of 1488, Henry VII, who had
promised to protect his interests and was under great
obligations to him, sent aid to his daughter Anne, whose
territory was being overrun by the French king, Charles

NOTES: BOOK I 157

VIII. In October, 1492, he laid siege to Boulogne, but being
secretly in treaty with King Charles, he soon terminated
the expedition at the peace of Etaples on Nov. 14, 1492,
being contented to receive an indemnity.

1. 37. because warre lyke the tyde ebbeth and
floweth. This was altered in the second edition to ' foras
much as warres have their ordinarie recourses,' which is also
the reading of the subsequent editions.

P. 13, 1. 5. dorres = drones. The word is said to be de
rived phonetically from the noise made by the insect. O.E.
' dora.' The word is vaguely used, being applied to a humble
bee, a hornet, or a drone, as here.

1. 6. polie. Properly to remove the top or head (poll),
so to cut the hair, and then generally to rob or pillage.
It is frequently found in combination with ' pil ' ; so
Spenser, F. Q. v. 2. 6 'Which pols and pils the poore in
piteous wise.'

1. 7. reysing their rentes. This account of the poverty
and misery prevalent in England and Europe, as well as of
the causes of them, finds abundant illustration in con
temporary testimony. The details are well summed up by
Brewer. 'The arbitrary rule of its monarchs bent on their
own aggrandizement, and careless of the improvement of
their people, — the disputes among their Councillors, agreed
in one point only, to flatter and mislead their sovereigns —
the wide separation between the luxury of the rich and the
hopeless misery of the poor— the prevalence of crime— the
severe execution of justice, earnest for punishment but re
gardless of prevention — the frequency of capital punishment
— the depopulation of villages, — the engrossing by a few
hands of corn and wool— the scarcity of meat— the numbers
of idle gentlemen without employment — of idle servingmen
and retainers turned adrift on a life of vagabondism.' Letters
and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, vol. ii. part i.
Preface, p. ccxxii. For the grievance involved in raising
the rents, see the Preambles to the Acts of 7 and 25
Henry VIII, and the ' Prayer for Landlords ' in one of
Edward's Liturgies, quoted in Cowper's Introduction to the
Select Works of Robert Crotcley (E. E. T. S.), p. xxii : 'We
heartily pray Thee that they who possess the grounds, pastures
and dwelling-places of the earth may not rack and stretchout
the rents of their houses and lands nor yet take unreasonable
fines and incomes . . . but so let them out to others that
the inhabitants thereof may both be able to pay their rents

158 UTOPIA

and also honestly to live.1 See also Crowley's sermon, Tfie
Way to wealth, where, speaking of landlords, he says : ' some
have purchased and some taken by leases whole alleyes,
whole rentes, whole rows, yea whole streats and lanes, so
that the rents be reysed, some double, some triple and
some four fould ' ; and his epigram on ' Rente Razers.' Em
phatic expression is given to the same grievance in Brinklow's
Complaynt of Roderyck Mors, in Starkey's Dialogue. The
common term for landlords in Latimer's Sermons is ' rent
raisers.'

1. 12. a greate flocke or trayne of ydell, &c. Cf.
Starkey's Dialogue betiveen Pole and Lupset (ed. Cowper,
p. 77) : ' Fyrst loke what an idul route our nobul men kepe
and nurysch in theyr housys, wych do no thyng els but
cary dyschys to the tabul and etc them when they have
downe, and aftur gyuyng themselfe to huntyng, hawkyng,
dysyng, cardyng and al other idul pastymes and vayne.' And
these men, as ample testimony shows, when dismissed by
their masters, or on the death of their masters, were turned
loose on the country to swell the number of beggars.

1. 16. incontinent=immediately, forthwith ; a common
word in the English of the I5th-i7th centuries, and in the
adverbial form ' incontinently ' not quite obsolete.

1. 25. appayred their health. Injure or damage, im
pair; cf. Prynne, Power of Parliament, ii. 7 1 'The ancient laws
be greatly appaired.' Originally from the Lat. adpeiorare
through the Old-French empeire. The word has a curious
history. The prefix of the early ampayre, or anpayre, was
subsequently treated like the native an- before a consonant
and reduced to a- which in the fifteenth century was
frequently though erroneously spelt ap. Caxton restored
the Fr. form enipeyr, empayr, which soon afterwards passed
into the now current form impair. The word, common
enough before, is rarely used after the sixteenth century.

1. 34. iette. Strut and swagger, boast or 'talk big.'
See Glossarial Index.

I. 37. Naye by saynt Marie, ser. An interpolation of
Robynson's.

P.14, 1. i. stomackes — 'temper,' 'inclination,' 'courage.'
Cf. Shakespeare : ' He which hath no stomach to this fight,
Let him depart' (Henry V, iv. 3. 35). The transition to this
meaning comes from its use for 'appetite,' e.g. 'a good
stomach for roast beef.'

II. 7-9. theues. As the Latin context makes a distino

NOTES: BOOK I 159

tion, using ' fures ' in 11. 7 and S, and ' latrones ' in 1. 9, this
should be preserved in the English ; and Burnet very pro
perly, in 1. 9, translates 'robbers.'

1. 14. Fraunce . . . plage. Fortescue, in the third chapter
of his Governance of England, comments on this custom and
its inconveniences in France, adding : ' Lo, this is the fruit
of his lus regale.' With More's remarks on mercenaries may
be compared the similar remarks of Macchiavelli, 11 Principe,
cap. xii.

1. 20. wisafoolea and very archedoltes. In the original
this is all comprised in the one word ' Morosophi,' which is
the plural of a latinized Greek word Mo>poo-o<£oi, ' foolishly
wise,' from Lucian (Alexander, 40). Pope has imitated
the Oxymoron ; ' the wisest fool much time has ever
made.' Moral Essays, Epist. II. 124.

1. 21. archedoltes. 'As a prefix the usual sense of arch- '
(Gk. apxos) is 'chief,' 'principal,' 'high,' occasionally 'first
in time,' 'original,' 'initial,' but in modern use it is prefixed
intensively to words of bad or odious sense, as 'arch-traitor,'
4 arch-enemy " (N. E. D.).

1. 25. fayne. Ed. 2 reads 'forced.'

1. 28. Saluste. The quotation is from Sallust, Cat. xvi
4Ne per otium torpescerent manus aut animus.'

1. 34. the Romaynes, &c. Macchiavelli notices the rui
nous effects on Rome and Carthage of employing mercenaries.
With regard to the eastern nations, More may, as Dr. Lupton
says, have had in his mind the Janizaries and Mamelukes.
Dr. Lupton quotes Gibbon on the Mamelukes : ' The rage of
these ferocious animals who had been let loose on the
strangers was provoked to devour their benefactor ' (Decline
and Fall, ch.lix).
P. 15, 1. 3. inured. Ed. I reads vrede = ' ured.'

1. 10. vplandishe. Belonging to the uplands or country-
parts ; so ' rude ' or ' boorish.' Lumby quotes Puttenham,
Art of Poetry (ed. Arber, p. 157): 'any uplandish village or
corner of a realme where there is no resort but of poor
rustical people.'

1. 16. yf they. Edd. i and 2 read 'they yf.'

1. 20. spill. To injure or destroy. A. S. spillan, an
assimilated form of spildan, ' to destroy ' ; in this sense it
became obsolete in the seventeenth century.

1. 25. avayleable. ' Serviceable,' ' that may avail.'

warre eacke «= ' war's sake.' We frequently find
4 sake' joined with an uninflected noun in Elizabethan

160 UTOPIA

English; so Shakespeare, i Henry IV, i. 2. 174 'for recrea
tion sake,' and As You Like It, iii. 2. 271 'for fashion sake.'
It is found even now in nouns ending in e, ' for experience
sake,' to avoid the clash of s's.

1. 29. noyoua = ' troublesome,' ' grievous,' and Middle-
English ' noyous'^'noyes.' Cf. Chaucer, 'Thou art noyoua
for to carye ' (House of Fame, i. 574) ; and Spenser, ' noyous '
injuries ( F. Q. ii. 9. 16).
L 1. 31. not onlye the = ' not the only.'

1. 35. your shepe, that were wont. More now enters
specifically on the chief grievances of the time, namely
(a) turning the arable land into pasture for the purpose
of breeding sheep for their wool, and (b) the wrong done by
the enclosures. The best comprehensive commentaries on
More's view are the Preambles and First Sections of the
Statutes 7 and 25 Henry VIII, and Starkey's Dialogue between
Pole and Lupset, edited by J. M. Cowper for the Early English
Text Society. To these may be added the ' Petition to
Henry VIII ' (cited in Furnivall's Ballads from Manu
scripts, vol. i. 101-2) ; the ballad ' Now-a-dayes ' and that of
' Vox populi, Vox Dei ' in the same collection ; Robert
Crowley's Sermons and Epigrams (E. E. T. S.) ; Henry Brink-
low's Complaynt of Roderyck Mors, printed by the same
society ; William Roy's Rede me and be Nott Wrothe ; and
Certaijne causes gathered together wherein is shewed the decay e
of England only by the great multitude of Shepe, to the utter
decay of household kepying, mayntenance of men, dearth of
corne and other notable dyscommodityes approved by syxe olde
Proverbes, which was a supplication to Edward Vl's Council
1550-3, also printed by the E. E. T. S. The sermons of
Lever edited by Arber, and the sermons of Latimer edited
for the Parker Society, throw much light on these subjects.
These publications, ranging between about 1515 and 1553,
very exactly illustrate every detail of More's terrible picture.
Dr. Furnivall's Preface to the Ballads from Manuscripts and
Mr. Cowper's Preface to Starkey's Dialogue may be consulted
with advantage.

P. 16, 1. i. They consume, &c. Cf. Petition to Henry VIII
(1514) : 'The ploughes be decayed and the fferme houses and
also other dwelling houses in many townes, so that where
was in a towne XX or XXX dwelling houses they be now
decayed ploughes and all, and all the people clene goon and
decayed and no more parisshons in many parisshes, but
a nettard and a sheppard, or a warner and a sheppard in the

NOTES: BOOK I 161

stede of 60 or 80 persones.' Cf., too, ballad of 'Now-a-
dayes ' : —

' The townes go down, the land decayes ;
Off cornefeydes, playne layes ;
L, Great men makithe now-a-days,

/R A sheepecott in the Churche.'

(Furnivall's Ballads from MSS. i. 97.)

1. 5. certeyn Abbottes. Many and bitter are the com
plaints made in the ballads, and many and emphatic the
supplications and protests against this action on the part
of the Church. See particularly A supplicacyon for the
Beggers, attributed to Simon Fish, which was answered by
More himself, and Roy's Rede me and be Nott Wrothe : —

' The abbeys then full of covetyse,
Whom possessions could not suft'yse,
Ever more and more encroachynge,'

but see the whole passage (ed. Arber), pp. 99-100, and
A proper Dyalogue, ed. Arber, a full and elaborate review
of those grievances, emphasizing and amply illustrating,
what is condensed in the couplet : —

' Our patrimonie given away is
Unto these Wolffes of the Clergye.'

See the complaint made to the Commons (Hall's Chronicle,
Nov. 1 529) that ' Priests beying surveiers stuardes and officers
to Bishoppes, Abbotes and other spiritual heddes had and occu-
: pied Fermes, Graunges and grazing, in every country so that
the poore husband men coulde have nothyng but of them ;
and yet for that they should pay derely.'

holy men. Of course satirical, the abbots being con
sidered the chief offenders in this respect. The Civil Wars
no doubt were a source of much loss to them, as the Black
Death in the fourteenth century had been before. As they
were not able to look after their lands, the property lost its
value as productive soil, and they were only too glad to be
able to derive any profit from their neglected estates ; but it
does not appear that they were more rapacious than lay
landlords. See Gasquet's Henry VIII and the English Monas
teries, vol. i. pp. 30-5.

1. 23. coueyne = fraud. The word is French covin,
corme, from Low-Latin convenium, and properly means a
coming together for agreement, so a compact or agreement.

162 UTOPIA

From this it passed into meaning a fraudulent agreement, and
since the fifteenth century is generally used in a bad sense.

1. 27. pore, sylie, wretched soules. For all this see
the Ballads passim and Starkey's Dialogue. Ascham did not
exaggerate when he wrote : 'Vita quae nunc vivitur a pluri-
mis, non vita sed miseria est ' ; the life nowadays which
most live is not life, but misery. ' Sylie ' is of course used
in the earlier sense of 'simple,' 'innocent,' being derived
from A. S. scelig, happy, prosperous ; the word then, fol
lowing the analogy of eiirjdrjs in Greek, came to be used in
a derogatory sense.

1. 35. abyde the sale. This obscure phrase can best
be explained by reference to the Latin, 'haud magno uendi-
bilem, etiam si manere possit emptorern,1 i.e. their household
stuff would not be worth much, even though it could await
a buyer (an advantageous time for selling).

P. 17, 1. i. God wote. Literally 'God knows,' 'wote'
being the third person singular present indicative of wit
(A. S. u'itan, to know). It passed into a mere formula of
emphasis. Ed. 2 changes the ' God wote ' of the first
edition into 'forsothe.'

1. 2. a beggyng. The common form of the verbal sub-
,ntive still commonly used dialectally. This prefix, a form
of 'on,' appears also in aboard, afloat, &c. So in A. V.,
John xxi. 3 ' I goe a fishing.'

1. 6. For one shapherde . . . Cf. Latimer. ' For where
as have been a great many house-holders and inhabitants
there is now but a shepherd and his dog.' (First Sermon
before Edward VI.)

1. 7. Robynson has omitted a sentence in the Latin preced
ing this paragraph : 'Nam rusticae rei, cui assueuerunt, nihil
est quod agatur, ubi nihil seritur,' which Burnet thus trans
lates : — ' For there is no more occasion for country labour,
to which they have been bred, when there is no arable ground
left.'

1. II. the pryce of wolle. Cf. the tract Certai/ne
Causes (Furnivall's Ballads from MSS. vol. i. p. 23) : ' The
more shepe the dearer is the wool ' ; and Becon's Jewel
of Joy quoted by Dr. Lupton: 'Those beastes which were
created of God for the nouryshment of man do nowe deceive
man. . . . Since they [" gredy gentlemen "] began to be shepe
maysters and feders of cattell we neyther had vyttayle nor
•cloth of any resonable pryce.'

1. 20. morreyn = murrain, cattle plague; from 0. F.-

NOTES: BOOK I 163

marine, M. E. murrin, moreyne, ultimately from Latin mori.
It is not easy to identify the epidemic to which More refers.
Dr. Lupton observes that the extreme wet of the year 1 506
must have been injurious to cattle ; and it would seem from
Becker's Epidemics of the Middle Ages, translated by Babing-
ton (p. 204), that there was a severe visitation of it in Ger
many and France. But in a state paper in the Record
Office cited by Furnivall (Ballads from MSS. vol. i. p. 18),
we find : — ' the same selff yere thatt the warre ended there
ffelle as greatt a generall Rott and Morregn amongst Cat-
telle as ever was seen eny time forty yeres beffore.' Brewer
supposes that this refers to the termination of the French
wars of 1523-5, but it may refer to the war concluded by
the Treaty of Etaples in 1492 : if so, this would fix the year.

1. 22. And though the numbre of shepe, &c. Robyn-
son's version is inadequate. The Latin is ' Quod si maxime
increscat ouium numerus, precio nihil decrescit tamen ; quod
earum, si monopolium appellari non potest, quod non unus
uendit, certe oligopolium est.' The latter clause is thus ren
dered by Burnet, 'Though they cannot be called a Monopoly,
because they are not engrossed by one Person, yet they are
in so few Hands, and these are so rich,' &c. More's anti
thesis between monopolium and oligopolium— a, -word coined
by himself— cannot be rendered in English. For the remark
that though the number of sheep increase the price does
not fall, see Certayne Causes (Furnivall, Ballads, i. 23),
'The more shepe, the dearer is the wool.3

1. 37. incommoditie. Inconvenience. French in-
commodite. Cf. Higden viii. 241: 'In the ende of harveste
were so moche wete and reyne — whereby many incommo-
dities followed.' The word is not quite obsolete in this sense.

1. 38. make dearth, i. e. raise the price. The Latin
has ' reddunt cara.' M. E. cfr>Y/je = dearness.

P. 18, 1. 8. in the whiche thyng. That is, hospitalitie,
as we gather from what follows.

1. 9. this great dearth, &c. Cf. Certayne Causes, cited
by Furnivall (Ballads, i. 23) : ' And where that the said per
sons were wont to have meate, drynche, rayment and wages,
payinge Scot and lot to God and to our Kyng, now there is
nothing kept there but onely Shepe . . . (they) go forthe
from shyre to shyre to be scattered thus abroad . . . and for
lacke of maysters by compulsyon dryuen, some of them to
begge, and some to steale.'

1. 16. this wretched beggerye. On this The Dialogue
M 2

164 UTOPIA

between Pole and Lupset furnishes a commentary (ed. Cowper,

P- 95)-

1. 19. gentle. Ed. I reads 'gently.'

1. 20. handy craft men. First Edit., 'hand y craft men.'
1. 24. qweynes. Loose women. The word is from the
A. S. cicfne, another form of ctven, a woman, but from an
early time having a bad sense attached to it. In M.E. the
word was distinguished from its kindred word Queen by its
open e, the one having the form queyne, the other queene.
So in Piers Plowman (C) ix. 46 : —

' Other a knyght fro a knave,
Other a queyne fro a queene.'

In Elizabethan English it is commonly spelt quean; so
Shakespeare, 2 Henry IV, ii. I. 51 'throw the quean in the
Channel.'

1. 28. tables, i. e. backgammon. So Chaucer, BoTce of
the Duchess, 51 'Play either at Chesse or tables,' and
Harington, Epig. i. 79 ' Then with thy husband dost play
false at tables.' The Latin word is fritillus, a dice-box.
Dr. Lupton observes that More once spoke less harshly of
such amusements, as ' to cast a coyte, a cokstele and a
ball,' was one of the child's accomplishments in his pageant.

1. 31. Caste out, &c. Such is the advice given in
Dialogue, p. 175.

1. 33. towne is here used in the old sense of an 'enclosed
place,' and so a farmstead with its land.

1. 37. ingrosse. Buy up wholesale or monopolize the
trade in any commodity : cf. Cranmer, Catech. 77 ' Fore
stalling, regratyng, ingrossing of marchaundise.'

forstalle. To buy up beforehand in order to sell at
a higher price to those who come later.

P. 19, 1. 2. let clothe workynge. Cf. Dialogue: 'If thys
stapul were broken or otherwyse redressyd & clothyng set
up again in England . . . the commodyte of our wolle &
cloth schold bryng in all other thyngys that we haue need of.'

1.9. auuance your selfes of = boast or pride yourselves
on. Cf. Caxton, Golden Legend, 267 ' He had no more wyll
to advaunce him ' ; and Bishop Hall, Hard Texts, 477 ' Thou
advancest thyself to be as that glorious Cherub.'

1. 10. For this iustice, &c. The Latin is 'iusticiam
nempe speciosana magis quam aut iustam aut utilem.' In
his second edition Robynson turns it, ' is more beautiful in
appearance and more florishyng to the shewe then either

NOTES: BOOK I 165

just.' . . . His first version is too cramped, his second too
diffuse. Burnet has, 'which tho' it may have the Appear
ance of Justice, yet in itself is neither just nor convenient.'

1. 15. they be cornmen. Ed. 2, 'being come.'

1. 37. Hold your peace. There is a marginal note in the
Latin calling attention to Morton's habit of cutting loqua
cious people short : 'Expressitmorem eiCardinali familiarem,
interpellandi si quis loquacius ageret.'

1. 38. by lyke ( = later, 'belike'), ' probably,' ' in all like
lihood ': now obsolete. Cf. Udall, Aphor. ' Harpalus who by
like had a good insight in suche matters.' Ed. 2 substitutes
' it appeareth that.'

P. 20, 1. 6. earnest lette. Serious hindrance. The original
has ' nisi quid impediat aut te aut Raphaelem hunc.'

1. 8. not worthy to be punished with death. Com
pare the similar discussion between Pole and Lupset in the
Dialogue, where Pole takes the same view as Hythlodaye,
and Lupset the view of the Lawyer.

1. 22. counteruayle = make up for, be an equivalent
for, Latin contravalere, to be of the same value as ; com
monly used in the English of the i6th and I7th centuries.

1. 25. is recompensed = is repaid, finds retribution.
1 Recompense ' was frequently used in earlier English for
good or evil, but has now lost the latter meaning.

1. 28. so streyte rules. This is Robynson's translation
for ' tarn Manliana imperia,' which is to be found in Livy iv.
29, and implies ' stringent decrees.' Cf. ' Draconian laws.'
Lucius Manlius, surnamed from the imperious harshness
of his character Imperiosus, was dictator B.C. 363. Both
he and his son Titus M. C. Torquatus were noted for their
sternness and severity.

1. 30. by and by. At once, immediately ; so generally
in i6th and lyth century English.

1. 31. stoycall. The later Stoics considered that all
crimes were equal, ' omnia peccata esse paria ' — an absurd
paradox very pleasantly ridiculed by Cicero, Pro Murena, xix,
and Horace, Sat. i. 3. 94 seqq.

1. 34. bothe a matter, i. e. both one matter, equally
guilty, dn is the A. S. form of ' one,' and in M. E. the n is
sometimes dropped. N.E.D. quotes Hampole, Piose Tr. 32
' Some ere of a tree and some er of another.'

P. 21, 1. 16. daunger = jurisdiction, or power— a sense
illustrating the history of the word, which is derived from
dominium through 0. F. dangier: so it comes to mean from

166 . UTOPIA

' power,' ' power to hurt or harm,' and so liability to come
within that power.

1. 23. Moyses. The Greek form of Moses (Mavo-^
The reference is to Exodus xxii. 1-9. Dr. Lupton appositely
refers to Colet's Letters to Itadulphus. where he observes that
Moses adapted his language to 'the uncultivated nature
of those poor people, but lately occupied among the bricks
and clay ' : ' Sed crassiter et pingue docenda fuit stulta ilia
et macra multitude.'

1. 28. the newe lawe, i. e. the teaching of the Gospel.
P. 22, 1. 6. care. Ed. 2 reads ' feare.'

1. 7. bewrayed, i. e. betrayed. From A. S. wrtgan,
to accuse, through M. E. bewraien. Cf. A.V. of Isaiah xvi.
3 ' Bewray not him that wandereth,' and Shakespeare,
Lear, ii. i ' He did bewray his practice.'

1. 8. ryd.de, removed.

1. 9. vttered, put forth, made public. Cf. Elyot, Gover-
nour: ' Marchauntes do utter . . . wares and commodoties ';
now used chiefly in the sense of circulating coins, genuine or
counterfeit.

1. 10. discriued =» descried, detected. See Glossarial
Index.

1. 12. single fellonye «= mere theft.

1. 30. abowt the wordle. So often spelt in M. E. Skeat
quotes Ayeribite of Inwyt, p. 7, 1. 10. Robynson repeatedly
spells it so.

1. 32. the polylerytes. Like the Utopians, an imaginary
people. Their name is derived from no\vs AJjpo?, ' much
nonsense.1

!• 33- wyttelye «= wisely, the common meaning in the
English of the early sixteenth century and later.

P. 23, 1. 8. to their chiefs lord and kinge. The first
edition, misreading the original, which is ' rerum potienti '
as ' potenti,' translated ' the myghtye Kynge.'

1. 10. gallawnte = comfortable, rather than gay or
showy. Gallant is from French galer ' to rejoice.'

1. 1 6. that they stoole. Ed. 2 has ' that which' for 'that.'

1. 21. paide of, i.e. paid out of.

1. 29. be not only tied, &c. The Latin has ' non tarn
vinculis cohercent quam excitant uerberibus,' ' they not so
much imprison as flog them,1 i. e. they more often resort
to flogging than imprisonment. The English version is
therefore misleading.

1. 35. indyfferent good = fairly or moderately good.

NOTES: BOOK I 167

Cf. Shakespeare, Hamlet, iii. I. 122'! am myself indifferent
honest.'

P. 24, 1. i. that = that which, the reading of the second
edition.

1. 4. In some places . . . mainteined. The Latin has
simply, 'alibi reditus quidam publici ad id destinantur ' ;
' landis ' is interpolated by Robynson. The first edition
reads 'fownde1 for 'mainteined,' both meaning the same
thing.

I. 9. for so be thies, &c. This is not in the Latin
here, but comes afterwards with reference to ' seruynge
men ' in 1. 29. It may have been an omission which Robyn
son inserted later in the wrong place ; or possibly he thought
it desirable to introduce this phrase earlier. Damned, con
demned, in the Latin damnati.

1. 19. sum thynge, i.e. their earnings, which they
were not allowed to keep.

P. 25, 1. 1. openeth, i. e. discloses. Cf. A. V. Acts xvii. 2, 3
'Paul . . . reasoned with them . . . opening and alleging, that
Christ must needs have suffered.'

1. 5. of that they were of councell in that pretence,
i. e. for being of counsel = Latin conscientiae.

1. 22. to theyre guydes, i. e. for their guides.

1. 23. sheyre. This is a good example of Robynson'a
or his printer's fondness for varying the spelling of words.
He has already spelt this 'sheire ' and ' shyere,' and further
on we have ' shere.'

1. 28. wyth the maner, i. e. red-handed. The word is
derived from manus, hand, and opus, work, act ; whence
manuopere = ' in the very act.1 ' Mainour ' in Cowell's
Law Dictionary (quoted by Nares) is thus explained :
' Mainour, alias manour, alias meinour from the French
manier, i. e. " manu tractare," in a legal sense, denotes the
thing that a thief taketh away or stealeth ; as to be taken
with the mainour is to be taken with the thing stolen about
him.' Cf. Latimer : 'even as a thief is taken with the
maner that he stealeth ' (Sermons, ed. Parker Society, p. no).
' The manner of it is, I was taken with the manner,'
Henry IV, ii. 4. 437, and Love's Labour's Lost, i. I. 205
' 0 villain . . . thou wert taken with the manner.'

1. 35. But. In the Latin 'At' (raising an objection)-:
'But, some one will say.'

1. 36. dowted. To fear or be afraid, common in old
English and not obsolete now. Cf. Holinshed, Chron. ii. 19

168 UTOPIA

• The French king began to doubt of the puissance of King
William,' and Shakespeare, passim.

P. 26, 1. 8. of their cownsell. Depending on ' make ' ;
i. e. they would not confide in, or take into their confidence.

1. II. openner = discloser, detector, cf. supra 25. i.

1. 17. For euery yeare. As Dr. Lupton remarks, an
anticipation of our ' ticket-of-leave ' system, instituted by
the Penal Servitude Act of 1853.

1. 27. made a wrie mouth. Lat. ' distorsit labrum,'
twisted his lip, i. e. pouted. Cent. Diet, quotes Scott, Quentin
Durward, ' Die like a man without making wry mouths.'

1. 31. withowte a proffe, i. e. without putting it to the
proof: Lat. 'nullo facto periculo.'

1. 34. differryd = deferred. Both words come from Lat.
differre. But ' defer ' in the sense of submit, or lay before,
is from deferre.

1. 35. saintuaries. Originally every church or church
yard was a sanctuary for criminals. Some had special
reputation, e. g. Westminster Abbey and Beverley Minster.
The right of sanctuary in relation to common law was
extended to any person accused of felony, who might thus
preserve his life. There is ample testimony that this right
was grossly abused. The Dialogue (p. 140) again illustrates
More on this point, as well as the abuse of the privilege.
'And what think you by privylegys graunted to Churchys
and al Sanctuarys ? Can you judge them to be convenient ?
Thinke you that hyt ys wel a man when he hath commytted
murder, or outragyouse robbery, decycevued hys credytorys,
to run to the sanctuary with al hys godys ? . . . Who wil be
aferd to kyl hys enemy, yf he may be sauyd by the pryuylege
of sayntuary ? ' On the gross abuses of the rights of Sanc
tuary, More comments at length in his History of King
Edward V, in the speech he puts into Buckingham's mouth,
when he is urging the Council to take the Duke of York out
of the sanctuary to which his mother had fled with him
(ed. 1641, pp. 68-76).

P. 27, 1. 14. sad = serious. From O.E. seed, full ; so sated,
heavy, with other meanings naturally deduced. Cf. in sense
of text, ' Saclde resoun,' Piers Plou-man, B. xv. 541 ; 'A few
sad words,' Beaumont and Fletcher, King and no King, ii. i.

1. 17. parasite. From Greek napd, 'beside,' and a-lros,
'food,' one who eats beside another at another's table; so
a hanger-on or sycophant.

1. 1 8. •which wold seme = who wished to simulate.

NOTES: BOOK I 169

11. 25-6. indifferent and reasonable. Lat. 'non
absurda,' not absurd ; ' indifferent ' practically qualifies
' reasonable,' and here means ' neither very reasonable nor
very unreasonable.1

1. 27. he that shoteth oft, &c. : in the Lat. ' crebro iactu
iaci aliquando Venerem.' Erasmus gives the Lat. proverb in
his Adagia, chil. i. cent. iii. prov. 13 ' Si saepe iactaveris,
aliquando Venerem iacies,' i. e. ' If you throw [the dice]
often, you will at some time or other throw a Venus.'' The
highest throw was called a Venus, and the lowest a Canis •
so Propertius iv. 8. 45-6 ' Me quoque per talos Venerem
quaerente secundos, Semper damnosi subsiluere canes.'

1. 34. vnweldye, unwieldy. Used in an active sense ;
here practically synonymous with ' impotent,' ' that cannot
wield.' Cf. Chaucer, Horn, of the Hose, 359 ' Al woxen was
hir body unwelde.'

1. 37. For I had rather then anye good = For I had
rather than anything.

P. 28, 1. 2. with their lamentable teares, &c. The Lat.
is stronger : ' cum querulis illis opplorationibus flagitarent
pecuniam,' ' when with that pitiful weeping they kept implor
ing me for money.'

1.9. leese«=lose. Cf. Shakespeare, Sonnet v. 14 'But
flowers distill'd . . . leese but their show' ; it is very common
in Elizabethan English.

1. 14. into houses of religion. Lat. has 'in Bene-
dictinorum coenobia,' into the monasteries of the Benedic
tines. The Benedictines are an order of monks and nuns
following the precepts of St. Benedict (c. 480-0. 543). Fifty
Benedictines have already occupied the Papal throne. As
they were by far the most numerous and most important of
the Monastic Orders, their establishments are to some extent
synonymous with 'houses of religion.'

1. 15. laye bretherne, i.e. those who take the habits
and vows of religion, but are employed mostly in manual
labour, and are not admitted into even minor orders.

1. 33. towchyd one the quiclce— touched on the quick.
' Quick ' from A. S. civic, alive ; so ' the quick ' means what is
sensitively alive, as in the phrases ' stung to the quick,' &c.

hit on the gawl. This and the above phrase com
bined are Robynson's equivalent for the Latin 'tali perfusus
aceto' (an expression borrowed from Horace, Sat. i. 7. 32
'At Graecus, postquam est Italo perfusus aceto,' &c.), mean
ing literally ' deluged with such vinegar.' ' Gall ' here

170 UTOPIA

means a 'blister,' and is especially applied to the sore on
a horse produced by rubbing. It is possible that the word
is connected with ' gall,' in the sense of bile, gall-bladder ;
the notion of venom being transferred to ' envenom'd spot.'

1. 34. fret = fretted. This word originally meant ' to
eat' (A. S. fretan, German fressen) ; in 1835 it was used
in an absolute sense ' to champ the bit.' Not to be con
founded with fret-work, fretted ceilings, and the like, where
the word is from frcetwan, frcetwian, to adorn or ornament.

1. 37. iauell. A low worthless fellow, a rascal. The
derivation is uncertain. Cf. More's English Works, p. 1272
'a lewde, vnthriftye javell ' ; and Spenser, Mother Hub. Tale,
309 ' These two javells ' (N. E. D.).

P. 29, 1. 4. Patient iourself. Compose yourself. A not
uncommon use of the word in earlier English. Cf. Shake
speare, Titus Andron. i. 2. 58 ' Patient yourself, Madam, and
pardon me.'

1. 8. gallons = gallows, i. e. the name adjectivally
used for one deserving of it, ' a gallows bird.' Cf. Shake
speare, L. L. L. v. 2. 12 'He hath beene five thousand
yeeres a Boy. I, and a shrewd unhappy gallou-es too.'

1. 10. be you angry. The reference is to Ps. iv. 4, where
the A. V. reads, ' Stand in awe, and sin not ' ; but More follows
the Septuagint and the Vulgate, corroborated by St. Paul's
citation in Eph. iv. 26, as Dr. Lupton points out.

1. 14. the zeale of thy house. Ps. Ixix. 9.

1. 1 6. The skorners of Helizeus, &c. The original
lines are, as Dr. Lupton points out, from the De Resurrectione
Domini of Adam of St. Victor : ' Irrisores Helisaei, Dum
conscendit domum Dei, Zelum calvi sentiunt.' Helizeus =
the Greek and Latin form of ' Elisha.' The ' scorners ' of
course refer to the children who mocked him for his bald
ness ; see 2 Kings ii. 23. To indicate the Friar's want of
scholarship More makes him use zelus for zelum as if (see
marginal note) it were a neuter noun like scelus.

1. 22. set your wit to a fooles witte. Lat. ' Si te ita
compares, ne cum homine stulto et ridiculo ridiculum tibi
certamen instituas.'

1. 26. Answer a foole, &c. Prov. xxvi. 5.

1. 29. bald man. The monks and friars of course shaved
the crown of their heads.

1. 33. excommunicate, suspended, and acursed. A
periphrastic rendering of the original, which has simply
excommunicati.

NOTES: BOOK I 171

1. 35. preuy beck. A secret signal. Lat. has nutu,

turned. The Latin has an adverb, commodum,
meaning ' opportunely.' Neither Robynson nor Burnet
translates it.

1. 37. heare his sueters. Up to 1858 all probate
matters were under ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; and the fact
of his being also Lord Chancellor of England would make
the Cardinal's legal duties particularly heavy.

P. 30, 1. 5. hit. So frequently spelt till the middle of the
sixteenth century.

parcell. In its original meaning of ' portion ' or ' part,'
still preserved in the phrase ' part and parcel.'

1. 9. improued. This is from the Latin improbare=
probare, ' to approve of,' with the negative prefix in-, so that
the word means 'to disapprove of.' The N. E. D. quotes
Bale, Eng. Votaries, 8 ' They have improved that doctrine
and taught the contrarye.'

1. 10. incontinent = immediately; that is, hearing the
Cardinal allow them, or let them pass, they immediately
gave their approval to what was said. The Lat. original is
euestigio.

1. 1 8. ensure = assure.

1. 24. of a child, i. e. as a child. Lat. has simply puer.
For the reference see Introduction. Cf. Mark ix. 21.

1. 36. youre Plato. The passage referred to is in the
Republic, bk. v. 473 : ' Until philosophers are kings, or the
kings and princes of this world have the spirit and power of
philosophy, and political greatness and wisdom meet in one,
and those commoner natures who follow either to the
exclusion of the other are compelled to stand aside, cities
will never cease from ill.' More, quoting probably from
memory, gives only the general sense. By ' youre Plato ' he
seems to mean the Plato whom you have plainly so carefully
studied, and whose philosophy has had so much influence on
you, a well-known Latin usage.

P. 31, 1. 4. wyll (not) vouchesaufe. Original omits
1 not,' which Lupton supplies. Latin nee dignentur.

1. 1 6. Dionise. Dionysius the Younger succeeded his
father as tyrant of Syracuse in 367 B. C. He was indolent and
dissolute, and Dion, his father's son-in-law, sought to im
prove him by inviting Plato to Sicily to instruct him in
philosophy. He improved for a while ; but a faction led
by Philistus, the historian, succeeded in poisoning his
mind against both Dion and Plato. Dion was accordingly

172 UTOPIA

banished, and Plato, not succeeding in obtaining his recall,
left Syracuse. Thereupon Dionysius resumed his old life,
and gave himself up to unrestrained debauchery. He was
afterwards in turn driven out of Syracuse by Dion (who
was later murdered), and several tyrants succeeded each
other, until he at last retook the city in 346 B. c. After his
return his conduct and mode of living were worse than
ever, and two years later he was driven out by Timoleon, and
Bpent the remainder of his life in Corinth (v. Plutarch, Dion}.

1. 19. noughtenes. Much stronger than our use of it,
and with the force of its derivation, A. S. nawiht, nothing,
worth nothing. Cf. I Sam. xvii. 28 ' I know thy pride, and
the naughtiness of thy heart.'

1. 20. laughynge stocke. ' Stock ' meant originally a
'stump,1 'stake,' 'post,' and came to mean an object espe
cially stupid or dull, such a thing as would provoke scorn
ful laughter ; but ' laughing-stock ' seems to mean a fixed
object for laughing at; cf. the phrases 'laughing matter,'
' laughing thing,' and the like.

1.22. Frenche kynge. Louis XII (1498-1515). Onhis
accession he asserted his claims to the duchy of Milan, de
rived from his grandmother Valentina Visconti, and forth
with marched with an army into Italy and took possession
in 1499. Encouraged by this he laid claim to Naples, derived
from the Anjous, which had been unsuccessfully asserted by
his predecessor, Charles VIII. Frederic, king of Naples,
applied for assistance to Ferdinand, king of Spain, his
relative, who thereupon sent him an army led by the cele
brated Gonzalo of Cordova. Louis then secretly proposed to
divide the kingdom of Naples with Ferdinand, who readily
agreed ; and they were joined in this infamous transaction
by Pope Alexander VI. The unhappy Frederic, perceiving his
hopeless condition, surrendered to Louis, who bestowed upon
him the duchy of A.njou and a pension. Ferdinand and
Louis, however, soon quarrelled over their respective shares ;
and after two battles the French were defeated and Naples
was lost, 1503. A few years after Pope Julius II joined with
Ferdinand, and after several campaigns Louis was finally
driven out of Italy in 1513.

1. 29. fugatyue. Lat. fugitivam. So called because
it was always slipping out of the grasp of the French.

1. 30. Venetians. At the treaty of Canibray (1508)
Venice was divided between Louis XII, Ferdinand of Spain,
Maximilian I of Austria, and Pope Julius II.

NOTES: BOOK I 173

1. 32. Flaunders. From the death of Count Louis III
in 1384, as he left an only daughter married to Philip of
Burgundy, Flanders had practically formed part of this duchy.
But in 1477 Mary of Burgundy married Maximilian of
Austria, so that at this time Flanders was included in the
Austrian Netherlands.

Brabant. Formerly a most important province of
the Netherlands. On the death (1477) of Charles the
Bold, the last independent duke of Burgundy, Brabant,
which was part of their dominion, passed with Flanders to
the Empire.

Burgundie. This duchy should also have passed with
Brabant and Flanders to Mary of Burgundy ; but her right
to it was disputed by Louis XI, who affirmed that, as it
had been given to Philippe le Hardi as an appanage, it
reverted to the Crown in default of male heirs. It was
therefore annexed to France, while its possessions passed
to the House of Austria. See Bryce, Holy Roman Empire,
Appendix.

P. 32, 1. 5. Germaneynes. The ' lance-knights ' served
as mercenaries with the French. They were particularly
conspicuous at the battle of Ravenna in 1512 when opposed
to the Spaniards.

1. 6. Swychers. Later, ' Switzers.' The Swiss were
notorious as mercenary infantry. (See Book II. ch. viii, with
the Notes.)

. 1. 7. emperours maiestie. This refers to Maximilian
of Austria. Though he is said to have taken pay when
serving with the English at Tournay, and generally to have
been mean and grasping, his country's debt to him was in
calculable. He consolidated both the power of his House
and that of the Empire. He reformed German law and
created German discipline, and was the first to establish an
organized standing army. He also secured the reversion of
Hungary and Bohemia to his descendants, by a diplomatic
marriage of his grandchildren.

1. 10. kynge of Arragone. Ferdinand, husband of
Isabella of Castile, and father of Catharine of Arragon, first
wife of Henry VIII.

1. n. Wauarra. Navarre, a province on the borders of
France and Spain. This kingdom shared the fate of the
other little states over which France and Spain were dis
puting in the sixteenth century; and in 1512 the portion
south of the Pyrenees passed to Ferdinand of Spain. The

174 UTOPIA

portion north of the Pyrenees was afterwards united to the
crown of France by Henri IV. It is now known as the
department of the Lower Pyrenees.

1. 13. wyth. his .v. egges. A proverb indicating some
paltry, worthless proposition, or a statement officiously in
truded ; the full phrase seems, as Ray gives it, to be ' five
eggs a penny, and four of them addle.' N. E. D. quotes
Udall, Apoph. 272 ' Persones comying in with their five
egges,' £c. In Swift's Journal to Stella, where the proverb
frequently occurs, ' two ' is substituted for ' five.' There is
nothing to correspond to it in More's Latin.

1. 14. Caetell. The reference here seems to be to the
recent negotiations for a marriage between Charles, Prince
of Castile, and Madame Renee, the youngest daughter of
Louis XII, and to the anxiety of Charles and his German
ministers for an alliance with France. See Brewer, Iteiyn of
Henry VIII, vol. i. pp. 79 and 148-52.

1. 17. staye = stick, stop.

1. 23. skottea. The French were ever ready for an
alliance with the Scots, to aid them against England.

1. 24. in aunters = usually, inaunter, enaunter, 'in case
that.' French, aunter, aventure = English ' adventure,' thus
' in adventure,' ' at adventure ' = in case that. Cf. ' per-
adventure.'

1. 29. peere of Englande. The definite reference, if
any, cannot be explained. Dr. Lupton thinks it refers
to Perkin Warbeck ; and Gilpin (Utopia, vol. i. p. 105)
suggests Richard de la Pole, fifth son of John de la Pole,
Duke of Suffolk; but neither conjecture is quite satis
factory.

1. 34. affiaunce = O.F. afiance, trust or confidence. So
Coverdale, Erasm. Paraphr. ' puttyng his affyaunce in God.'

1. 38. turne ouer the leafe, and learne a newe lesson.
Robynson has adopted an entirely different metaphor from
the Latin 'uerti iubeam uela,' should order the sails to be
shifted, i.e. 'to go on another tack,' as Dr. Lupton
points out.

P. 33, 1. 8. Achoriens. Derived from a, priv., and >-copn,
place = those without a place of habitation, who dwell in
a non-existent place. Cf. ' Utopia.' In classical Greek the
adjective a^wpos would mean literally ' homeless,' as in Aelian.

1. 13. aliaunce, i.e. an alliance by marriage. Lat.
affinitas.

1- 23. pylled = plundered. Cf. French piller, Lat.

NOTES: BOOK I 175

pilare (common in compound compilare), ' scrape to
gether and carry off.' Cf. Engl. ' compile.' Cf. Shakespeare,
Richard the Second, ii. I. 246 'The Commons hath he pilVd
with grievous taxes.'

1. 26. peace nothynge better then, warre. Lat.
' pacem nihilo tutiorem.'

1. 32. set by. A synonym for ' regarded ' or ' esteemed.'
Cf. ' His name was much set by,' i Sam. xviii. 30.

P. 34, 1. 3. mo = more. In M. E. ' mo ' and ' more' were
different words, ' mo ' relating to number, and ' more ' to
size. Cf. Chaucer, Prol. 578 ' Mo then thries ten.'

1. 5. take hym for his mulettour. Another form of
the proverb ' qui aliena servat sua negligit.' moyles = mules.
Cf. ' And at the sayd Noualassa we toke moyles to stey us vp
the mountayne.' Sir R. Guylforde, Pylgrymage, p. 80.

1. 12. hys sake. Referring to the French king.

1. 13. hurley-lrurley = commotion, tumult, turmoil.
Cf. Macb. i. i. 3 'When the Hurley-burley's done, When
the Battaile's lost and wonne.' The phrase 'hurling and
burling ' preceded this. ' Hurling ' itself means a ' dis
turbance,' and ' burling ' is merely an initially varied repeti
tion to intensify the meaning. Cf. ' topsy-turvy.'

1. 21. endeuoure himself. Used reflexively. Cf.
Caxton, Gold. Leg. 422, 423 ' He . . . moche endeuoyred hym to
make hym to lerne the deuyne Scripture ' ; and Elyott, Gov.
Pref. 2 ' I endeavoured myself while I had leisure ... to
translate.'

1. 26. turne hym to, i. e. turn his attention to.

1. 29. Suppose that some kyng. In the passage which
follows More is glancing at abuses notorious in his time.
Edward IV and Henry VII dealt with the coinage as More
describes : Edward issuing, for the old coins, nobles and half-
nobles worth respectively 6s. 8d. and 35. ^d. ; angels and
angelots which, though considerably inferior in weight to
the former coins, were ordered to pass as equivalent in value ;
and Henry VII securing great profit by calling in minished
or impaired coins and receiving them at the Mint by weight.
See Dr. Lupton's Note.

P. 35, 1. i. to fayno warre. The particular reference seems
to be to the subsidy levied in 1490, of a tenth and fifteenth
for the maintenance of the army which was being raised
for the defence of Brittany against France, and the subsidy
of two entire tenths and fifteenths granted by the Parlia
ment of January, 1492. The King came to peace with

176 UTOPIA

France at the treaty of Etaples, and appropriated the rest
of the subsidy. See Stubbs, Lectures on Mediaeval and
Modern History, ed. 3, 410 sq.

1. 10. certeyn olde and moughte-eaten lawes. This
refers to the rapacious proceedings of Empson and Dudley
under Henry VII, who put into force obsolete (moth-eaten)
laws in order to exact a fine from those who were able to
afford it and so increase the revenue. Lupton appositely
quotes Hallam, Const. Hist. ch. i, who says that Statutes
passed in previous reigns were ' raked out from oblivion,' and
Henry, ' prosecuting such as could afford to endure the law's
severity, filled his treasury with the dishonourable produce
of amercements and forfeitures.' See Bacon's Henry VII;
Kennett, i. 629.

1. 19. dispence for money with. This is a literal
translation of the mediaeval Latin phrase dispensare cum,
which More employs in the original. It means to arrange
administratively with a person so as to grant him a relaxa
tion or remission of a penalty incurred by breach of law, or
special exemption or release from a law or obligation —
N. E. D., which quotes Latimer, 2 Serm. Toefore Edw. VI, 'God
had dispensed wyth theym to have many wives,' and Holland,
Suet. 104 ' He dispensed with a gentleman of Rome for his
oath . . . never to divorce his wife ' ; the condition being
expressed in English by ' for.'

not be vsed = not to be used.

1. 25. preuyleges and licences, i. e. monopolies ; an
abuse which reached its height in the reign of James I.

1. 31. endaunger = ' subject (the judges) to his absolute
control,' which is the primary meaning of ' endanger.'

1. 35. And they muste be called, &c. The second
edition reads ' yea, and further to call them into his palace,
and to require them there to argue,' &c.

P. 36, 1. 3. pike a thanke = pick a thank or favour; one
who picks a thank, i.e. filches a favour. Hence a 'pickthank'
came to mean a 'toady'; cf. Shakespeare, Henry IV, iii. 2. 25
' By smiling pickthanks and base newsmongers.' So Wither,
Britain's Remembrancer, ' By slavish fawning or by picking
thanks' (Nares).

1. 5. take ... in a trippe. As we say, ' catch them
tripping.'

1. 10. fyt occasion. Robynson has apparently, as
Dr. Lupton notes, mistaken the adverb commodum. ' season
ably ' or ' opportunely,' for an adjective agreeing with ansam.

NOTES: BOOK I 177

1. 16. equitie of. The second edition reads 'on.' But
it is by no means uncommon to have ' of for ' on' or 'for.'
See Glossarial Index.

1. 17. wrythen and wrested = distorted and twisted.
'Wry then ' is the old past participle of ' writhe.'

1. 22. Crassus. Marcus Licinius Crassus, surnamed,
from his ancestor Publius Licinius Crassus Dives, and cele
brated for his enormous wealth. He was elected consul with
Pompey in B.C. 70 and joined him and Caesar in forming
the first triumvirate. While endeavouring to conquer the
Parthians he was defeated and taken prisoner by Surenas,
their general, who put him to death. Dr. Lupton observes
that this passage looks like a reminiscence of Pliny, Hist.
Nat. xxxiii. 10 * M. Crassus negabat locupletem esse, nisi
qui reditu annuo legionern tueri posset.'

P. 37, 1. 6. if I shuld declare. This doctrine, so daring
in a subject of the Tudors, finds emphatic expression in
one of More's Latin Poems to which he affixes as a title
4 Populus consentiens regnum dat et aufert ' —

Quicunque multis vir viris vnus praeest,

Hoc debet his quibus praeest: —
Praeesse debet neutiquam diutius

Hi quam volent quibus praeest.'

The same is maintained in Starkey's Dialogue between Pole
and Lupset, ii. I : 'After the deceise of the pry nee, by electyon
of the common voyce of the parlyamant assemblyd to chose
one most apte to that hye oftyce and dygnyte, wych schold
not rule and govene al at hys owne plesure and lyberty but
ever be subjecte to the ordur of hys lawys.' Monarchy on
this principle and of this kind is one of the remedies pro
posed for the lamentable condition of the kingdom.

1. 9. wealthily, i. e. well. So also supra, 47. 5 ' wealthely
deuysed' ; wealthe = well-being. See Glossarial Index.

1. 13. to feade his shepe. Lupton compares Ezek.
xxxiv. 2 'Woe be to the shepherds of Israel that do feed
themselves : should not the shepherds feed the flocks ? ' and
Plato, Re.pub. i. 343 ' You fancy that the shepherd or neatherd
fattens or tends the sheep or oxen with a view to their own
good, and not to the good of himself or his master.'

1. 26. behated=- thoroughly hated. The prefix 'be' here,
as usual, intensifies the word. Cf. belove.

1. 35. hardie and couragius. This is hardly a trans*

178 UTOPIA

lation of the Latin ' vir erecti ac sublimis animi,' which
Burnet more correctly translates 'A man of a noble and
exalted Temper.'

1. 36. Fabrice. This is Caius Fabricius Luscinus who
was elected consul in 282 B.C., and was renowned for his fru
gality and incorruptibility. After the defeat of the Romans
by Pyrrhus king of Epirus, 281 B.C., Fabricius was sent to
treat with that king, who tempted him with large bribes to
enter his own service. Fabricius, though poor, refused. It
is also said that Pyrrhus's own physician proposed to Fabricius
to poison his master for a bribe ; at which the consul in
dignantly put him in chains and sent him back to the king,
who was greatly impressed by this example of Roman in
tegrity. The saying attributed to him in the text is to be
found in Valerius Maximus iv. 5 ; but is there related of
M'. Curius Dentatus who finally defeated Pyrrhus in 275 B.C.
P. 33, 1. 6. be taking from them. 'Be' is an old form
of 'by' still retained in compounds. Of. supra, p. 26, and

P- 55, IS-

1. 8. feate. Properly an action or deed (factum),
then an art or trick. Cf. Chaucer, Clerks Tale, 429 ' Grisel-
dis— Coude all the feate of wifely homeliness.'

1. 9. let hym, &c. This could scarcely have been
palatable advice to Henry VIII, to whom it plainly relates.

1. n. rtinne in = incur, from Lat. incurrere, which,
however, never means ' incur ' in classical Latin.

1. 13. Let him do coste not aboue Ms power =let
him adapt his expenditure to his income.

1. 1 8. callynge agayne lawes = reviving laws. The
favourite device of the sharks under Henry VII.

1. 19. lawes, whiche a custome. Cf. supra, p. 35, 1. 10,
note on Empson's and Dudley's Extortions. Hist, of
Henry VII, Kennett, p. 629.

1. 22. take suche fynes, &c. Cf. what Bacon says of
Empson and Dudley, Henry VII, ed. Lumby, p. IQO: 'Their
manner was to cause divers subjects to be indicted of sundry
crimes ... to suffer them to languish long in prison and by
sundry devices and terrors to extort from them great fines
and ransoms which they termed compositions and mitiga
tions.' Dibdin sees a pointed allusion to Henry VII's treat
ment of More's father.

1. 26. Macariens. The happy people. From the Greek,
paKapfs, fortunate, blessed. It is not difficult to understand
why this epithet is bestowed on them. Some, however,

NOTES: BOOK I 179

fancifully think that it refers to the Fortunatae Insulae or
' Islands of the Blessed.'

1. 30. golde or syluer. Dr. Lupton compares with this
the fortune which Henry VII is said to have left at his
decease, amounting to not less than £1,800,000, or in modern
equivalent, certainly not less than eighteen millions. The
Lat. says ' a thousand pounds of gold in weight, or silver of
equivalent value.'

1. 35. The translation is here somewhat obscure. The
Latin of this passage is, ' Nempe eum thesaurum videbat
suff'ecturum, sive regi aduersus rebelleis, sive regno adversus
hostium incursiones esset confligendum ; caeterum minorem
esse quam ut animos faciat invadendi aliena.' ' He thought
that sum sufficient should the King require it against rebels,
or the country against invasion, yet insufficient to encourage
the prince to invade the rights or possessions of others.' As
Dr. Lupton remarks, ' invadendi aliena ' may mean foreign
wars.

P. 39, 1. 3. able = enable, which is the reading of the second
edition.

1. 10. prescript some = prescribed sum.

1. 13. of euell, of good = by ... by.

1. 14. informatyons. Lat. 'haec ... si ingererem.'

1. 25. cleane eontrarye. Though ' clean ' in this sense
is now colloquial, it was commonly used in dignified com
position in the sixteenth century.

1. 26. schole philosophie. Lat. scholastica.

1. 27. in the counselles of kynges . . . phylosophye
hadde no place among Kinges. Cf. Philip de Commines,
Memoirs (English trans., bk. ii. ch. x), 'They are brought
up to nothing but to make themselves ridiculous. They
have no knowledge of letters ; no wise man is suffered to
come near them to improve their understandings.1

1. 35. cyuyle. The Lat. civilis = pertaining or adapted
to citizens : civil in this sense is not yet obsolete.

P. 40, 1. 3. Plautus. T. Maccius Plautus (or M. Accius
Plautus as he is also, but incorrectly, called) was the most
prolific and original of Roman comic dramatists ; twenty
of his plays are extant. Born about 2503.0., he died
184 B.C.

1. 4. vyle bondemen, i. e. the slaves who were imper
sonated in the comedy.

1. 8. Seneca. Lucius Annaeus Seneca, the philosopher,
born about 4 B. c. ; he was a very versatile author. The

N 2

180 UTOPIA

tragedies which he wrote, among which Octavia which he
certainly did not write is included, are imitations of Greek
Alexandrian models and distinguished rather for rhetorical
than dramatic power. He was accused of taking part in
the Pisonian conspiracy against Nero, and condemned.
He elected to open his veins, and so perished, 65 A. D.

1. 8. dysputeth with Wero. This occurs in the second
act of Octavia, and forms a very animated dialogue.

1. 9. domme persons. The muta persona, or, in
Greek, the K<aj>bv irpoa-amov ; the character who plays a
' thinking ' part and says nothing.

1. 12. gallymalfreye (or 'gallimaufry1 as it is more
commonly spelt), was originally a 'dish made up of odds and
ends of food,' a ' hodge-podge ' ; then used for any confused
jumble or mixture. Here it means ' a ridiculous medley.'
This is probably the earliest use of the word in English ; from
fourteenth-century Fr. gallmafree.

1.37. wyttelye, i.e. wisely; handsomely =' handily,'
' in a suitable manner.'
P. 41, 1. 9. as for to speake = as for speaking.

1. 19. as much. First edition ' a smuch.'

1. 20. seuerall, separate. Cf. Milton, Hist. Eng. ii fin.
' So different a state of things requires a several relation.'
Cf. the modern phrase ' they went their several ways.'

1. 26. hedlonges, adverbial genitive in -s. The word
was originally 'headling,' but altered by erroneous assimila
tion to '-long.' '-ling' is an old suffix for forming adverbs
from nouns.

1. 32. wyncke at, ' shut our eyes to.' Cf. Shakespeare,
Macbeth, i. 4. 52 ' Let not night see my black and deep
desires ; The eye wink at the hand ! '

1. 36. in open howses. The expression is not clear
in the English. The original is ' palam in tectis,' openly on
the housetops. See Luke xii. 3.

1. 37. dissident from, at variance with.
P. 42, 1. 3. euel willing, evil or ill willing, and so ' un
willing.'

1. 4. wrested, twisted. ' Wrest once the law to your
authority : To do a great right do a little wrong,' Shake
speare, M. of V. iv. i. 215. wriede, turned or twisted,
and so 'perverted.' The verb 'wry' meant to turn or
twist : the verb is now almost obsolete in all forms, but
the phrase 'awry' still remains, as well as the adjective
'wry.'

NOTES: BOOK I 181

1. 5. a rule of leada (Greek fi.a\ifi8ivof Km-uv, plunibea
regula in More's Latin) was used in ancient Greece in
' Lesbian building ' — probably because, being./fc xible, it could
be adapted to curved ' Lesbian ' mouldings : it is mentioned
for its adaptability by Aristotle, Ethics, V. 10. 7, whence
More drew the metaphor. (For other examples in English
literature, see N. E. D. s.v. Lesbian, and see in loc. Stewart's
Notes.)

1. 6. at the leaste waye, at least.

1. 9. sickerlye, securely, surely. M. E. sikerly, in its
turn derived from the Lat. securus.

1. 10. aamuche. The second edition reads ' as little.'

1. 13. Mitio saieth in Terence. Adflphi, i. 2. 66
' Verum si augeam Aut etiam adiutor sim eius iracundiae,
Insaniam prof'ecto cum illo.'

Terence. P. Terentius Afer is the only Roman comic
dramatic poet, with the exception of Plautus, whose works
have come down to us. He died 159 B.C.

1. 15. traine. That which draws or lures on, so an
artifice. Now obsolete in this sense, but common in earlier
English. Cf. Spenser, F. Q. i. 3. 24 'Subtil Archimag that
Una sought By traynes into new troubles to have toste,'
and Shakespeare. Macbeth, iii. 4. 118 'By many of these
traines hath sought to win me.1

1. 20. there. The emphasis is on this word, as it
renders ibi in the original.

1. 27. occasyon. This is the meaning of the Latin
word occasio, opportunity.

1. 33. laycle in hys necke, i. e. laid to his charge :
cf. infra 114, 1. 26, 'and them they sette in they re neckes.1
The metaphor appears applicable to a yoke rather than to
setting on dogs to the neck of a hunted animal. Compare
Cicero, Ad Fam. xii. 23 ' Cogitabat legiones ad urbem
adducere et in cervicibus nostris collocare,' and many similar
instances in Lewis and Short's Latin Dictionary.

1.36. Plato. From liepub. vi. 496: 'And he [the wise
man] reflects upon all this and holds his peace and does his
own business. He is like one who retires under the shelter
of a wall in the storm of dust and sleet which the driving
wind hurries along ; and when he sees the rest of mankind
full of wickedness, he is content if he only can live his own
life and be pure from evil or unrighteousness, and depart
in peace and goodwill with bright hope*.'

P. 43, 1. 10. as my mynde geueth me, as my feelings

182 UTOPIA

incline or move me. The verb is still retained in ' my
mind misgives me.'

1. II. beareth all the stroke, i. e. has the chief influence.
' He has a great stroke with the reader when he condemns
any of my poems, to make the world have a better opinion
of them ' (Dryden).

1. 25. had in pryee. The Latin is ' ut et virtuti precium
sit, et tamen aequatis rebus omnia abundent omnibus ' ;
which seems to mean ' that, while worth receives its proper
wage, nobody shall lack.'

1. 26. common. On this, the basis of the Utopian
Commonwealth, see Introduction.

1. 38. holde well with Plato, agree with Plato. This
anecdote is related by Diogenes Laertius in his Life of Plato
(De Vitis Clar. Phil. iii. 17) ; translated, it runs thus :
' Pamphila says in the twenty-fifth book of her Commentarii
that the Arcadians and Thebans. after building a great city,
asked him [Plato] to be its legislator ; but that, on learning
that they would not consent to an equality of rights, he
declined to go thither.' Aelian ( Var. Hist. ii. 42) tells the
same story at greater length.

P. 44, 1. 12. all the riches that there ia. Ed. 2 reads
' all the whole riches.' Robynson here seems to regard the
word as sing., no doubt correctly (= M. E. richesse) ; but it
also occurs as plur. from the Ayeribite onwards (see Skeat's
Etymological Dictionary}.

1. 25. propriety, ownership ; right of possession. The

, propnet
1. 32. a

certein measure of ground. In the draft
of a Bill of 1548 by Hales preserved in the Piecord Office,
which in its preamble sums up the distresses and miseries
caused by the wrongs and grievances here indicated, the
limitation suggested by More was proposed. See tran
script in Appendix to Introduction to A discourse of the
Common Weale of England, edited by Miss Lamond, pp.
47, 48.

1. 37. offices shold not be obteined. The all but
universal corruption which More here exposes is the theme
of almost all who illustrate the social history of the time.
See the ballad of Now a dayes, and others in Furnivall's
Ballads from Manuscripts, the Dialogue between Pole and
Lupset, and the Sermons of Latimer and Lever. 'The saying
is now,' says Latimer, ' that money is heard everywhere :
if he be rich he shall soon have an end of his matter.'

NOTES: BOOK II 183

Everything was for sale — employments, offices, justice. In
his own rigid incorruptibility More stood alone.

suyte, suit, solicitation.

P. 45, 1. 4. gather vp their money again, recoup them-
selv^es.

1. 9. kept vp. Ed. 2 reads ' kept and botched vp for
a time.'

1. 17. taken from an other. Cf. Publilius Syrus (Sent.
ed. Nisard, p. 785), 'Lucrum sine damno alterius fieri non
potest ' : and Bacon's ' Whatsoever is somewhere gotten is
somewhere lost ' (Of Seditions and Troubles}. Spenser, F. Q.
v. 2. 39, furnishes a picturesque illustration ; and the
proverb, ' Serpens nisi serpentem comederit non fit draco,'
a fancifully practical one.

1. 32. what place it maye haue, i. e. how it can have
a place.

1. 38. presently = personally (Lat. praescns].
P. 40, 1. 33. impery. A form of the word directly from
the Latin imperium. The commoner form in early Einglish
is ' empery,' from the old French 'emperie.'

1. 36. So great proffyte . . . from hence. This is a
little obscure, through being so literal ; the original is ' tanto
bono fuit illis aliquos hinc semel illuc esse delates.' Burnet
turns it ' so happily did they improve that accident of having
some of our people cast upon their shore.'

P. 47, 11. 1 6, 17. This is an interesting illustration of the
purely capricious spelling common with Robynson, his pre
decessors and contemporaries, and printers. ' Their ' is spelt
in the course of two lines in no less than four different ways.

1. 25. 'Content ... be it.' Original hasy?a£, 'let it be
done.'

BOOK II
CHAPTER I

P. 48. In the title, for ' Godly ' gouernement, Ed. 2 reads
'politike.'

Topography and general description of Utopia ; its havens,
defences and cities ; its capital and the connexion of the
capital with the cities and country districts ; rural life and
its organization ; its agricultural system, transference of
produce to the cities, and relation of the cities to the rural
districts.

184 UTOPIA

The general description of Utopia is plainly modelled on
Plato's picture of Atlantis in the Critias, pp. 112-20 (see
Jowett's translation). It bears also some resemblance, as
Mr. Cannan has pointed out to me, to Tacitus's account
of Britain. Agricola, cap. x ' Formam .... eloquentissimi
auctores oblongae scutulae vel bipenni assimilavere. . . .
Immensum et enorme spatium procurrentium extreme iam
littore terrarum velut in cuneum tenuatur.' In More's
Latin this becomes ' fines versus paulatim utrimque tenua
tur ' ; . . . while the ends ' insulam totam in lunae speciem
renascentis effigiant.' There can be little doubt that the
contrast presented by such towns as Bruges and Antwerp
to London must have greatly contributed to draw More's atten
tion to the deficiencies in English social life and its sur
roundings. The same contrast was noticed some years later
by Starkey. ' Methought, when I came fyrst into Flaunders
and Fraunce, that I was translatyd as hy t had byn in a nother
world, the cytes and townes apperyd so gudly, so wel bylded
and so clene kept: of the wych ther ys in every place so
grete cure and regard that every towne semyd to me to
stryue wyth an other, as hyt had byn for victory, which
schold be more beautiful and strong, bettur byld and clennur
kept' (Dialogue, ed. Cowper, pp. 92, 93).

1. 16. Whiche. Referring to 'endes.'

fetchynge about a circuite or compasse, i. e. form
ing a circle, making a circular course. N. E. D. quotes
Coverdale, Eccles. i. 6 ' The wynde goeth toward ye South &
fetcheth his compase about unto the North'; and Gilpin,
Demonol. 56 ' He falls not directly upon what he intended,
but fetcheth a compass.'

.v.c. = 500.

1. 1 8. Betwene thys two corners, &c. The island
would be roughly horse-shoe shaped, the two extremities
being only eleven miles apart in a bee line, whilst the sea,
enclosed like a harbour, would be of a circular shape and
160 miles across, the whole island being 360 miles in diameter.
The general description of the haven recalls what may
possibly have suggested it, Virgil, Aen. i. 159-64:

' Est in secessu longo locus : insula portum
Efficit obiectu laterum, quibus omnis ab alto
Frangitur inque sinus scindit sese unda reductos.
Hinc atque hinc vastae rupes geminique minantur
In caelum scopuli, quorum sub vertice late
Aequora tuta silent.'

NOTES: BOOK II 185

1. 20. surmounteth, mounts over the two corners,
that is, the fons Anydri and the ostium Anydri (as marked
in the woodcut opposite the title-page of the original
edition), and forms a bay.

1. 25. nor mountith not. This is like the Greek double
negatives, not making, of course, an affirmative but inten
sifying one other ; it is common in Elizabethan English.
Cf. ' This England never did (nor never shall), Lie at the
proud foot of a conqueror.' Shakespeare, K. John, v. 7.

"3-

P. 49, 1. I. fordys. A ford is properly a shallow place
which may be crossed by wading. Here it means ' shallow
tracts of water.' shelues. shoals, sand-banks.

1. 5. bicause it ia in sight. There is nothing to cor
respond to this in the Latin.

1. 15. translatynge = transferring, translates is used
as p.p. of transferre^ but -latus is from a different root,
tal, 'to bear,' or 'cany across,' whence Lat. tollere. Tor
Eobynson's now obsolete use of it cf. A. V. Heb. x. 15
' By faith Enoch was translated that he should not see
death.'

1. 1 8. The out side. Ed. 2 adds ' or vtter circuite of.'

1. 19. suerly = securely, what by ... what by.
Like ' what with . . . what with,' supra 1. I ; the two ' whats '
meaning ' partly, partly,' or ' both, and ' ; aut, out in the
original.

1. 26. Abraxa. Dr. Lupton suggests that this name
may be derived from or connected with the Greek afipfKros,
'unwetted' or 'wanting rain' — a city on which no rain
fell,— and he compares ' Anyder,' though the derivation there
has certainly more point. But there can be little doubt that
what suggested the word to More was what suggested to him
the letters of the Utopian alphabet, namely the symbols or
gems of the Gnostics. See the plates in King's Gnostics and
their Remains. More says in the ninth chapter that the
Utopians worshipped Mithras. Now, by the Gnostics, Abraxas
was frequently associated with Mithras in the gems. Abraxas
is a mystic name said to mean either in actual Coptic ' Holy
Name,' or, as seems equally probable, merely the Hebrew
' Ha-B'rachah,' i. e. ' The Blessing.' The symbolic figure
embodying the idea of the Abraxas god has a reference
to the sun in all its components. See King's Gnostics,
pp. 117 seqq. and pp. 251-9. ' Abraxas,' there can be little
doubt, suggested this name to More.

186 UTOPIA

1.28. humanitie = civilization, 'culture' exactly, the
Lat. humanitas. N. E. D. quotes Wyclif, 2 Mace. iv. 1 1
'Because of humanytee or curtasie.'

1. 32. vplandyshe, i.e. up country, = right inland, or
possibly in the sense used supra, 15. 10.

1.35. because = that, in order that. Cf. Matt. xx. 31
' And the multitude rebuked them because they should
hold their peace.'

1. 38. into = among. A rare use of the word.
P. 50, 1. 6. .liiii. Dr. Lupton thinks that More had Eng
land in his mind. Harrison (Description of England, ed.
Furnivall, pp. 96-7) gives the number of English counties
as fifty-three, and More may have reckoned the City as
a county in itself, and so made up his number.

1. 7. agreyng all together. So Tacitus on the Ger
mans. Germ. ch. ii.

1. 10. as farfurth as. The difference between 'far-
furth ' and ' far ' is not easy to grasp.

1.14. Amaurote. The 'dark,' 'dim,' 'obscure1 city,
Gk. apavpos, a fitting name for the capital of Utopia. It is
applied in the Odyssey (iv. 824) to a spectre or vision which
Athene sends to Penelope — ecfiwAov apavpov.

1. 15. entreate=- treat. Cf. 'Richarde, the third sonne,
of whom we now entreate.' More's Rich. Ill, xxxvii. i.

1. 17. in the myddes. In the midst. The Lat. has
in umbilici), 'in the navel.'

1. 28. husbandes, i. e. husbandmen. Cf. Fabyan, Chron.
vii. 421 'In this yere . . . fell so excedynge rayne that
husbondys myght not bring in their store of corne'; and
Dryden, ' When Husbands have survey'd the last Degree, . . .
and order'd ev'ry Tree' (Virg. Georg. ii. 578).

1. 32. of the cytezens, by the citizens, common use
of 'of.' N. E. D. quotes Gower, C. A. iii. 1332 (Macaulay),
' The Cite ... Of worthi folk . . . was enhabited here and
there.'

1. 33. by course, i. e. in turn, alternately. Cf. Sidney,
Arcadia, i. 5 ' They took their journey. . . . Claius and
Strephon by course carrying his chest for him.' Tacitus
notes that the same custom prevailed among the Germans :
' Agri pro numero cultorum ab universis in vices occupantur '
(German, xxvi). Vices has been corrected to vicis in modern
editions ; see Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. p. 19, n. 3.

1. 35. bonden men. Men who have transgressed
the law and are made slaves. They are attached to the

NOTES: BOOK II 187

soil, and pass transferred accordingly to its successive
owners.

11- 36, 37- good man, good wyfe. Still used commonly
for the master and mistress of a house.

P. 51, 1. i. Phylarche. Strictly ' chief of a tribe or clan '
from the Greek <£>v\apxos, (frvXr], clan, and dp^oy, chief.
Robynson is more accurate than the original, which mis
prints it ' philarchus,' the reading at the end of this chapter
being correct — ' phylarchi.' Cf. Macaulay on Croker's Bos-
well (Essays, ed. 1861, p. 161).

1. 2. baylyffe. After 1531 applied to a landlord's
agent: here he is acting for the State. 0. F. and M. E.
'buillif, from the late Latin laiulivus, properly meaning one
charged with public administrative employment in a certain
district.

1. 15. occupiers, i. e. 'those occupied in.'

1. 1 6. solempne = customary. Lat. sollemnis, literally
'annual,' applied to religious rites which occurred annually ;
hence solemn = serious. For the sense in which it is here
employed cf. Milton, Par. Lost, iv. 646-7 ' silent night with
this her solemn bird.'

1. 22. bryde vp = breed or bring up : a variant not
noticed by the N. E. D.

1. 25. pulleyne, i. e. poultry. Low Lat. pulla, a hen.
policie, i. e. contrivance. The Lat. has artificium. For
the account in the text Dr. Lupton quotes Bacon, Nat.
Hist., cent. ix. 856, and Pliny, Hist. Nat. x. 54, and refers to
a curious passage in the pseudo-Maundeville's Travels (ed.
1883, p. 49). The whole subject is discussed and amply
illustrated by J. A. St. John in his Egypt and Mohamed
Ali, vol. ii. p. 327.

1. 31. nor non. Another instance of a double negative
emphasizing the negation.

very fearce ones. The idea of horses being employed
for this purpose may have been suggested, as Dr. Lupton
thinks, by Plato, Repiib. v. 467 ' We must mount them
on horses in their earliest youth, and when they have
learnt to ride take them on horse-back to see war : the
horses must not be spirited and war-like, but the most
tractable and yet the swiftest that can be had.' Cf. too
Xenophon, Cyropaedia, iv. 3.

1. 36. at a sodeyne brunt . . . dead lifte. Ed. I reads
' as ' for ' at a.1 According to the N.E.D. the primary mean
ing of ' brunt ' is ' a sharp blow.' The derivation is doubt-

188 UTOPIA

ful ; it is probably an onomatopoeic word. ' At a brunt,'
means ' at one blow,' ' at once,' tout d coup. Here it means
' spurt ' ; and a dead lifte = lifting a dead weight, being still
used dialectally for the pull of ahorse exerting his utmost
strength at a dead weight beyond his power to move. The
original is ' boves . . . equis impetu cedere.'

1. 37. they = oxen, which is the reading of the second
edition.

P. 52, 1. 2. so manye dysseaaes. The many infirmities
to which horses are subject became proverbial. So Shake
speare, ' He's mad that trusts in the tameness of a wolf,
a horse's health,' &c. (K. Lear, iii. 6. 1 8).

1. 7. other wyne, i.e. either, a common M.E. variant.
N.E. D. quotes Wyclif, 'ether to kyng, other to deukes,'
cf. ' nother ' for ' neither.' See Glossarial Index.

1. 8. methe = mead. A. S. medu. A drink made from
honey and water.

1. 9. liqueresse. ' Liquorice ' is derived from Lat.
glycyrrliiza, Gk. yXvKvs = sweet -4- pifr = root.

sodde, i. e. sodden, boiled. Cf. ' Can sodden water,
. . . their barley broth, Decoct their cold blood to such
valiant heat ?' Shakespeare, Hen. V, iii. 5. 18.

1.13. spende. Consume or dispose of. Whitney quotes
Hakluyt's Voyages, i. 276 ' a little bread which they spent
by Thursday at night.'

1. 22. Philarches. This mode of spelling the word
makes the derivation from Gk. </n\a/>xot, fond of rule. But
in the Latin it is here phylarchi, ' clan-chiefs,' as at p. 51, 1. I,
philarchi thus affording another instance of Robynson's
fondness for variety in spelling.

CHAPTEE II

OF THE CYTIES AND NAMELY OF AMATTROTE.

The cities are modelled on the Capital ; particular
description of the Capital : the river Anyder and its bridge:
the water supply, defences of the city, its streets, houses and
gardens described in detail.

This description of Amaurote was drawn from London,
and its reference to London is marked in the marginal notes
of the Latin text ; in some of its features it recalls London
as it was, in others London as it ought to be, the satire

NOTES: BOOK II ISO

being implied in the touches of description. Stow, in his
Survey of London and Westminster, vol. ii. pp. 573-4, after
observing that More's description of Arnaurote 'doth in
every particular thing so exactly square and correspond
with our City of London that I make little doubt that
writer did thereby mean the same place,' transcVibes More's
account of it as a picture of London in Henry VIII's
time. In its excellent sanitary arrangements Amaurote
certainly did not square with London. See the General
Introduction, and compare particularly the letter of
Erasmus to Francis, Wolsey's physician, cited and translated
by Brewer, Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, pref. ccix :
' Englishmen never consider the aspect of their doors or
windows ; next, their chambers are built in such a way as
to admit of no ventilation. Then a great part of the house
is occupied with glass casements which admit light but
exclude the air, and yet they let in the draught through •
holes and corners, which is often pestilential and stagnates
there. The floors are in general laid with white clay and
are covered with rushes occasionally removed, but so imper
fectly that the bottom layer is left undisturbed, sometimes
for twenty years, harbouring expectoration, ale-droppings,
scraps of fish, and other abominations not fit to be men
tioned.' And to these unhealthy and noisome conditions he
is inclined to attribute the epidemics which so often visited
London.

P. 53, 1. 2 (title), namely = in particular, especially.

1. 7. skylleth not = it does not matter. Cf. ' It skills
not whether I be kind to any man living.'— Shirley, Gamester,
0. PI. ix. 36.

1. 17. Anyder. A fitting name for the river of No-
Peace-Land, from the Greek iirvSpos, waterless — a river which
is no river. Its general description recalls, as was intended,
the Thames. See Stow, Survey, ii. 458.

1. 25. .Ix. The Latin has sexaginta. Ed. 2 has 'fortie.'
London is 40 miles in a bee-line to the sea, and about
60 miles following the course of the river, London Bridge
to the Nore.

1. 26. By al that space, i. e. throughout the whole of
this area. The Lat. has 'Hoc toto spacio.' The marginal
note in the Latin directs attention to the same thing occurring
in the Thames : ' Idem fit apud Anglos in flumine Thamysi.'

1. 27. a good sorte = colloquial 'lot,' a good many
miles. Ed. 2 reads ' certen.'

190 UTOPIA

P. 54, 1. i. chaungethe. Lat. has corrumpit. So
' chaungethe ' is used in the sense of ' taints ' ; cf. the
dialectal or colloquial use, ' the milk is changed ' (by
thunder, &c.).

11. 3, II. forby, for-by, past. Cf. German vorbei.

1. 7. a brydge. London Bridge is intended.

1. 8. stonewarke. Many bridges were erected on piles
in More's time ; London Bridge was of stone.

1. 12. lette = hindrance. A reference to the drawbridge
at the fourteenth arch of London Bridge, which was raised
to allow the larger ships to pass through.

an other ryuere. 'This,' says Stow, 'must be the
river of the Wells that ran down by Walbrook,' probably not
the Flete river.

1. 23. deryued, i. e. diverted, turned aside. Lat. dirivatur.

1. 24. cannellis, i. e. channels or canals. The reference
is to the Conduits : the Conduit in Cheapside, erected in
1289 ; the Tonne in Cornhill (1401) ; the Bosses of Water at
Paul's Wharf and Cripplegate (1423) ; the Little Conduit in
Fleet Street and Aldermanbury (1471), and others (Stow).

dyuers wayes : and so distributed in all directions.

1. 30. full of turrettes, i. e. with a long array of
turrets. The Lat. has turribus frcquens. This is a remini
scence of the Wall of London and the moat or ditch round
it ; and More, in speaking of the ' drye dyche ' of Amaurote,
is contrasting it with the filthy city ditch of London, one
of the most noisome and disgusting features of the London
of his time. References to this horror are frequent in the
writers of those times.

1. 35. appoynted, i. e. laid out. Here the satire on
London comes in. For a description of the streets of London
see Introduction.

1. 36. carriage, i. e. transport. The Lat. has vectura.
P. 55, 1. 2. twenty fote brode. The streets of London
were as a rule about ten or twelve feet broad. See Brewer,
Henry VIII, vol. i. p. 204. In this part of the description
More was no doubt drawing on his experience of Bruges,
which he could not fail to contrast with London. (See
Dr. Lupton's Introduction, p. xxx.)

1. 8. with two leaues, i. e. they were folding doors.
The original has bifores.

1. u. Euerye man that wyll. In the marginal note
of the Latin it is pointed out how this savours of Plato,
' Haec sapiunt communitatem Platonis.' The reference is

NOTES: BOOK II 191

to the conclusion of the third book of the Republic. 'None
of them (the citizens) should have any property beyond
what is absolutely necessary, neither should they have
a private house with bars and bolts closed against any one
who has a mind to enter' (Jowett's Trans.).

1. 15. They sett groat stcore be, &c. In his ac
count of the gardens, More recalls the pleasantest features
of the London of his time. It is represented by Fitz Stephen,
writing as early as about 1 170, as ' a city of gardens.' ' Undi-
que extra domos suburbanorum Horti civium arboribus
consiti, spatiosi, et speciosi, contigui habentur ' (Descriptio
nobilissima Civitatis Londonicce, printed in Appendix to
Stow's Surrey, ed. 1603). See too the verses by Sir Thomas
Chaloner, describing the gardens of London in Elizabeth's
reign, quoted by Stow, Survey, vol. ii. p. 459: —

' An quod amoena tibi facies hinc, inde viretis
Clauditur? Arboribusque frequens, quod villa sub ipsis
Moenibus erigitur patulis umbrosior hortis.'

1. 16. vyneyardes. In More's time London was not
without its vineyards, as is still indicated by the name
Vine Street, Saffron Hill, which marks the site of the great
vineyard of Ely Palace. Dr. Lupton says there was another
at Westminster, near St. John's Church, and that even as
late as towards the end of the eighteenth century there was
one on the site of what is now Addison Eoad Station.

]. 1 8. thynge = anything.

1.31. platte fourrne, French plateforme, Italian piatta
forma, the ground plan.

1. 38. M.viic.lx., i.e. one thousand seven hundred and
sixty.

P. 56, 1. 2. verye lowe. This is a reference to the ' mean
hovels, mud walls, thatched roofs struggling with overhang
ing gables and shutting out both air and light' (Brewer,
Henry VIII, vol. i. p. 294), which in More's time and long
afterwards disgraced London.

1. 4. at all aduentures. The Lat. has temere, at
random, hap-hazard, anyhow. This is the primary meaning
of the phrase. Hence it came to mean ' at all hazards,'
'at any risk,' and then 'at all events,' 'at any rate.' Cf.
Smeaton, Edystone Lighthouse, p. 275 ' At all adventures they
were to fit the outside shell of the building.'

1. 8. storries. From the 0. F. estoree, a building, pp.

192 UTOPIA

of estorer, late Latin staurare, Latin instaurare, to erect,
build.

1. 9. Flynte. This word has no connexion with the
Welsh county of that name ; but is possibly cognate with
the Gk. n\ii>8os, a brick.

1.14. peryahe. Used actively, 'destroy,' 'kill.' Cf.
' You are an innocent, A soul as white as Heaven : let not
my sins Perish your noble youth,' Beaumont and Fletcher,
Maid's Tragedy, iv. i. Cf. also our colloquialism, ' You look
perished with cold.'

1. 17. glasse. In the houses of the richer classes glass
was coming into use in the reign of Henry VIII (see
Erasmus to Francis, Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. ii. pt. i,
p. ccix), but in ordinary houses it was not common till the
reign of James I. As late as 1567 it was such a rarity that
special precautions were used to protect it. See Eden's
State of the Poor, vol. i. p. 77. As it was commonly used
for windows in the great towns of the Low Countries, More
was no doubt pressing its use in England.

1. 1 8. sumwhere, i.e. in some places; the Lat. is
interim, which, used in the sense of interdum, means here
' sometimes,' a rare use of the word which may have puzzled
Robynson.

1. 19. cyle or ambre, Lat. succinum, amber in its
resinous state ; or probably spirit of amber, succinic acid.
When heat was applied to amber it was resolved into a
sticky substance like resin or pitch. Cf. Tacitus, Germ.
xlv ' si naturam succini admoto igni tentes, . . . mox ut in
picem resinamve lentescit ' ; and of this More may have
been thinking.

CHAPTER III

OF THE MAGYSTRATES.

The Syphogranti and Tranibori and their functions :
method of electing Princes of the cities: the Tranibori and
other officers: duration of their time of office: mode of
conducting consultations. With the functions of the Sypho-
grauntes and Tranibores may be compared Tacitus's account
oi the German principes and comites, Germ, xi, xii.

NOTES: BOOK II 193

P. 57, 1. 3. fermes, i. e. farms.

1. 6. Syphoagrauntes. The Lat. is Syphogranti.
Whether any derivation can be traced for this word is as
yet an unsolved problem. Dr. Lupton half humorously but
most ingeniously suggests that the only Greek word to
which it bears a resemblance, a-ofaos, 'a sty,' may throw
light on its origin, and that More was thinking of the
Benchers and Steward (Sty-ward) of his old Inn. Certainly
the title Tranibori, which is associated with it, savours at
least of Greek, dpavtfiupoi, 'bench-eaters,' and so points in
this direction. It is just possible that More may, fancifully
and erroneously coining, have written the word Sypliogronti,
the printer changing the 'o' into 'a,' and that the third
syllable of the word may be traced to yepovrts, so that it
would mean ' seniors of the sty,' i. e. <ru<peov ytpovrts. But
all this is very unsatisfactory.

1. 7. 300. The second edition corrects ' thirtie ' ; which
of course comes to the same thing, meaning ' each with their
thirty families.'

1. 12. secrete electyon. An election held privately.
The ' prince ' elected is of course the chief magistrate of each
city only, not of the whole island.

1. 16. put vp. Lat. unus commendatur senatui.

1. 20. lightlye. For a slight or trivial reason.

1. 26. by and by. Latin has mature, speedily,
quickly.

1. 32. It is deathe, i. e. it is considered a capital crime.
The Lat. is capitate habetur.

P. 58, 1. 6. Therfore matters of greate weyghte. With
this passage cf. Tacitus, Germ, xi ' De minoribus rebus
principes consultant, de maioribus omnes, ita tamen ut ea
quoque, quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud principes
praetractentur.'

1. 1 6. Bycause that. In order that. Cf. supra 49,
35. Lat. has ne quis.

1.17. that = what, that which. Cf. P. B., 'to do
always that is righteous in thy sight.'

1. 1 8. fyrste to hya tongea ende. ' Fyrste' is omitted
in the second edition.

1. 19. defende and confyrme, i. e. strengthen. The
second edition has ' defende and mainteine.' The Lat. has
tueatur.

1. 24. existymatyon. Estimation, esteem, reputation.
His worth in the opinion of himself and of others. Cf. Moral

194 UTOPIA

State Eng., Pref. : ' He who striveth to wound his Brother's
Existimation, at the same time stabbeth his own.'

wolde not for shame . . . ba cowntede annye
thynge ouerseen in the matter at the fyrste. The second
edition reads ' wolde be ashamed ... to be at the firste ouer-
sene in the matter,' i. e. be ashamed to appear to have been
lacking in foresight at the beginning. The Lat. has ' ne
initio paruni prospexisse videatur.' ouerssen = deceived,
deluded. The verb ' oversee,' as well as its past participle
in this sense, is now obsolete except in literary use. Of.
Fuller : ' The most expert gamester may sometimes oversee,'
i.e. see wrongly, go astray. So Middleton, Chaste Maid, iv
'They're mightily o'erseen in it methinks.'

CHAPTER IV

OF SCYENCES

Craftes and Occupatyons.

Importance attached to husbandry : other trades and
occupations of the Utopians : regulations of labour ; of their
recreations ; no idlers and fribbles —the pest of other com
munities — allowed to exist : employments of those who are too
old or otherwise unfit for manual labour. Why there is less
need for incessant work, such as house-building and clothes-
making, and more leisure for mental cultivation, than in
other states.

This chapter is full of satirical strokes at the customs and
condition of things in England, tacitly satirizing them by
depicting, in contrast, the Utopian treatment of artisans
and labourers.

P. 59, 1. 8. brought vp. Robynson, as Dr. Lupton points
out, has confused the Lat. educti for educati. It should be
' taken out,' i. e. into the fields outside the city.

1. 13. seuerall. Separate, distinct.

1. 14. clothe-workinge. For the point of this, see Intro
duction and notes on bk. i.

1. 1 8. For their garmentes, cf. Tacitus, Germ. xvii.

1. 24. weldynge. Wielding, exercising.

1. 26. maketh theire owne. In the Dialogue, Starkey
(ed. Cowper, pp. 94-5) represents Lupset as saying that much
of the poverty so rife arose from people preferring foreign-

NOTES: BOOK II 195

made garments to home-made : ' Now you se ther ys almost
no man content to were cloth here made at home in our
owne countrey, nother lynyn nor wolen, but every man wyl
were such as ys made beyond the sea.'
P. 60, 1. 2. stonde, i. e. tend.

1. 4. fantasy = to fancy, as often in Elizabethan Eng
lish.

1. 10. occupyethe whether, i. e. he ' takes up ' which
of the two he wishes.

1. 15. applye, i. e. ply. The Latin has incumbere,
to devote oneself to. Apply, from 0. F. aplier, Lat. appli-
care, means first to put a thing into practical contact
with another, then to devote one's energy to something.
N. E. D. quotes Elyot, Gov. iii: ' Quintius . . . repaired again to
his plough and applied it diligently.' The form now in use
is ' ply.'

1. 20. the myserable and wretced condytyon, &c.
More is here glancing at the hard lives of labourers and
artisans in England, their severe work, and their long hours.
Dr. Lupton quotes an Act passed in 1496, and, though re
pealed, revived with but little modification in 1514 (2 Henry
VIII, cap. 22), which enacted that every artificer and labourer
was to be at his work, between the middle of March and the
middle of September, before five in the morning; that he
was to have only half an hour for his breakfast, an hour and
a half for his dinner : ' and at such time as is here appointed
hee shall not sleep ; then hee to have but one houre for his
dinner, and halfe an houre for his noone-meate ; and that hee
depart not from his worke between the midst of the said
moneths of March and September, till between seven and
eight of the clock in the evening . . . and that from the
midst of September to the midst of March every artificer and
labourer be at their work in the springing of the day and
depart not till night of the same day.'

1. 24. iust, i. e. equal.

1. 25. iii. before none. ' iii. ' is omitted in Ed. 2.

1.31. voide time, i.e. unoccupied time.

1. 36. lycensed, i. e. freed.
P. 61, 1. i. solempne, 1. 3. namelye ; see Glossary.

1. 10. ryse not in = are not elevated; the Lat. is ' con-
surgit in nullius contemplatione disciplinae.'

1. n. scyence lyberal. The Lat. has simply disciplinae,
branches of education, departments of knowledge.

L 14. After supper, &c. This reminds us of Cresacre

O 2

196 UTOPIA

More's account of More's own household at Chelsea : ' Every
one was busied about somewhat or other : no cards, no dice
. . . their recreation was either music of voices or viols '
(Life of More, ed. Hunter, p. 107).

1. 21. thebattell of nombers, in original Latin nume-
rorum pugna, was known later (see Burton's Anatomy of
Melancholy, fol. 172, col. 2) as ' philosopher's game,' and
is thus described by Strutt (Sports and Pastimes, 4th ed.,
p. 277) : 'It is called a " number fight " because in it men
fight and strive together by the art of counting or numbering
how one may take his adversary's king and create a triumph
upon the deficiency of his calculations.' The second game
' the fyghte with vertues ' is a moralization of the game
of chess probably suggested by Jacobus De Cassulis, Liber
Moralis de Ludo Scaccorum, the French version of which,
Le Jeu des Echecs moralise" or Le Traite des Nobles et des Gens
du Peuple selon le Jeu des Echecs, was translated by Caxton,
and enjoyed extraordinary popularity. Possibly the Morali
ties may have suggested the idea to More. For a very
curious moralization of the game for satirical purposes
see Middleton's A Game of Chess. In any case, these games
are More's proposed substitutes for the ' folish and pernycious'
games to which he has referred. Plato proposes (Laws,
bk. i. p. 643) that children's games should be subservient to
the useful purpose of fitting them for the several serious
occupations of life. Rabelais, who was a diligent reader of
the Utopia, represents Gargantua as receiving useful instruc
tion from the games prescribed for him (see Hist, of Gargantua,
and Pantagruel, bk. i. ch. xxiii).

1. 24. set fyld. A 'set field' is little more than a
synonym for 'battle array.' Cf. Latin original, collata
acie.

1. 31. puissaunce , power.

1. 32. frustate. The omission of the ' r ' is probably
a misprint.

1. 33. sleight = cunning, dexterity, trick. The word
is now only used in the phrase 'sleight of hand.' It is akin
to 'sly.'

1. 35. lease = lest. One of the many variants of the
word. See N. E.D. ; it gives no example of this precise form.

1. 36. looke more narrowly vpon. We now say ' into.'
P. 62, 1. 10. be ydle. The Latin is more vigorous, stet^
tunt, ' are snoring.'

1. 12. relygyous men. One of the commonest com-

NOTES: BOOK II 197

plaints in the literature of More's time. For ample illus
trations see Starkey's Dialogue, Latimer's Sermons, and
Furnivall's Ballads from Manuscripts. Dr. Lupton pertinently
quotes Erasmus, De sarcienda Ecclesiae concordia, the passage
beginning ' Dolendum est tarn multos esse monachos.'

1. 13. Put there to, i. e. add.

1. 1 6. flocke of stout, bragging, russhe bucklers.
Lat. has 'cetratorum nebulonum colluvies,' meaning ' a rabble
of shield-bearing ruffians.' 'Russhe-bucklers' here simply
means what we should call ' swashbucklers ' ; it is very-
improbable that it has anything to do with the idea of
' bucklers as flimsy or as worthless as if they were made of
rushes.'

1. 1 8. valiaunt, i. e. lusty, strong. From the Latin valere,
through 0. F. vaillant, or volant.

lefle=life. One of the many variants of 'life,' but not
given by N.E.D.

1. 21. that men vse. In Ed. 2 Robynson turned this
more diffusely : ' that in men's affaires are daylye vsed and
frequented.'

1. 24. where money beareth all the swing. Where
money is everything. Lat. has 'ubi omnia pecuniis meti-
mur,' — ' where we measure all things by money.' Swing
means ' sway ' or ' control ' ; cf. Sackville, Induct. Mir. ' That
whilome here bare swinge among the best.'

1. 29. so few— only so many as.

1. 33. bisiede, i. e. busied.

P. 63, 1. 9. scaselye, i. e. scarcely. So spelt by Robynson,
49, 13 ; 108, 12 ; 132, 26. It may have been adopted for the
sake of euphony ; cf. the Spanish escaso. Or it may be
dialectal : cf. e. g. the local pronunciation of Carisbrooke
and Carshalton, where the r disappears.

1. 12. licensed. Freed (after French licencier). Ed. 2
adds 'and discharged from.' N.E.D. quotes from Sir H.
Wotton, 'When he listed he could license his thoughts,'
i.e. dismiss them (Parallel in Rdig. 17).

1. 22. expectation and hoope of him conceaued, i. e.
expectation conceived of him.

1. 27. handy occupation, i. e. manual labour.

1. 31. Barzanes. The name was probably suggested tc
More either by that of the king of Armenia who, according
to Diodorus Siculus (ii. i), was one of the tributaries of the
Assyrian Ninus ; or that of the Satrap of the Parthyaei men
tioned by Arrian, Anabasis, iv. 7. There is of course no

198 UTOPIA

Persian or oriental word which can connect it etymo
logically with a'S^/ior.

1. 32. Ademus. This name Robynson mis-spells ' Adanus'
in his first edition, and misprints 'Adamus' in his second.
More spells it with the ' e,' intending it of course to mean
a king without a people, from the Greek a privative and
8/7/xor ; cf. Anydrus. The word is More's invention. There
is no such word as aS^/zo? in Greek, except as the poetical
form of arr6Sr)fj.o?, ' away from one's people.'

P. 64, 1. 2. asketh, i. e. demands, requires. Lat. requirit,
Cf. Dryden, Virg. Georg. iii. 478 ' Goats of equal profit ask
an equal care.'

1. 9. stoode one man in = cost one man. This idiom
is still in common use.

1. 28. Now, Syre. The Latin has lam, introducing
a new subject.

1. 30. homely, i. e. in a plain style.

1. 36. spende, i.e. use, cf. 52, 13. The Cent. Diet, quotes
Campion (Arber's English Garner, i. 56): 'The oils which
we do spend in England for our cloth are brought out of
Spain.'

P. 65, 1. 5. that ys no thynge passed for, i. e. that is
not cared for at all. See note supra, on 8, 5.

1. 12. hapt. Wrapped. The derivation of this word is
unknown. It occurs as early as the fourteenth century, and
is probably of Norse origin, meaning to cover up, to wrap or
tuck up. N. E.D. quotes York Mysteries, xviii. 195 'I pray
Jje Marie happe hym warm,' and Paston Letters, 1465 ' Worsted
for dobletts to happe me thys cold wynter.'

1. 27. pretended. This is almost in the literal sense
of the Latin word from which it is derived, praetendere,
1 stretch forth,' ' put forward,' and so ' set before ' (their eyes).

1. 32. garnisshing. Culture. The Lat. has cultus.

CHAPTER V

OP THEIR LYUIN(5 AND MUTUAL CONUERSATION

TOGETHER.

Constitution of social life ; regulations and distribution
of the population, the surplus employed to colonize and
cultivate the waste lands of the continent which are claimed
as a right. Family: life ; regulations about markets and
slaughter-houses". Thirty families under a Syphograntus

NOTES: BOOK II 199

occupy one of the large Halls which are set at equal distances
in every street. Arrangements made for the sick. How
the meals are arranged in the Halls, and in what order and
position the men, women, and children are disposed ; moral
instruction and recreation provided for them.

In this interesting chapter satire is subordinate to sugges
tions for increasing the comforts of social life.

P. 66, 1. 4. occupieng and enterteyiiement. Lat. com-
mercia — intercourse.

1. 7. families. It must be remembered that More uses
the wordfamilia in the Latin sense of the term, i.e. a house
hold including all who belong to it either in kinship or in
association.

1. 8. kinredes. The early and more correct spelling,
as the word is derived from er/w = kin, and reden — condition.
The d is excrescent; cf. 'thunder.'

1. 19. fewer ehyldren, £c. This is very diffuse and
misleading. More's word is simply puberes, by which he
means adults as distinguished from children (impuleres) .

1. 22. appointed. In Ed. 2 Robynson prefixed 'pre
scribed, or' to 'appointed.'

1. 31. in the nexte lande, i.e. on the mainland nearest
the island. Lat. ' in continente proximo.'

1. 32. waste and vnoceupied grounde. The right here
claimed by the Utopians is defended by Grotius, De Belli
lure ac Pads, bk. ii. chap. ii. sect. 17: 'And if there be
any waste or barren land within our dominions, that also is
to be given to strangers at their request or may be lawfully
possessed by them, because whatever remains uncultivated
is not to be esteemed a property, only so far as concerns
jurisdiction, which always continues the right of the ancient
people.' But Puffendorf, Law of Nations (Kenneth's trans
lation^, bk. iii. ch. iii. sect. 10, denied the right, basing
it merely on the consent of the original occupiers : ' they
are not to fix themselves as it were by some right in any
spot of waste land they find, but ought to rest satisfied with
the station and privileges we assign them ' ; and Barbeyrac
(see note on Grotius ad loc.) agrees with Puffendorf' against
Grotius.

P. 67, 1. I. the inhabitauntes to them, i.e. 'the same
countrey people to them ' (the reading of the second edition;.
Lat. ' ascitis una terrae indigenis.'

1. 12. limited. Defined. The Latin is describunt—
1 which they now mark out for themselves.'

200 UTOPIA

1. 14. lust cause of warre. According to Grotius, but
not according to Puffendorf. See note supra on 66, 32.

1. 24. pestilente plage. The population of London
and England greatly suffered from 'sweating sickness,' of
which there were several severe visitations between 1485 and
1517. See Hecker's Epidemics of the Middle Ages, 181 seqq.

1. 26. forreyne townes, i. e. on the mainland inhabited
by their own countrymen ; Latin colonia.

1. 30. conuersation, society, intercourse. Cf. Parsons's
Conference concerning the next Succession, I. i. 6 'the natural
instinct which man hath to live in conversation.'

1. 35. foure equall partes, i. e. the four wards, quarters ;
supra, 57, 14.

P. 68, 1. i. seuerall. Used adverbially, = separately. Cf.
' We'll dress us all so several, They shall not us perceive.'—
'Robin Hood and the Golden Arrow,' in Child's Ballads, v. 385.

1. 5. without annye gage or pledge, i. e. without any
security. The second edition reads ' gage, pawne or pledge,'
Lat. hostimentum, a rare word found in Ennius and Plautus,
but obsolete in classical Latin.

1. 19. meate markettes. ' Meat' here means any kind
of food, not necessarily flesh. The word comes probably
from a root connected with Lat. mandere, to chew. Cf.
Matt. iii. 4 ' his meat was locusts and wild honey.' In the
R. V. of the Bible, the ' meat-offering ' of the A. V. has been
replaced by ' meal-offering.' In this passage More is again
glancing at the London of his time. As far back as
Edward Ill's reign, we find a royal order, forbidding the
slaughter of beasts in the city, the preamble of which ran :
' Whereas by reason of the slaughters of great beasts in the
city, from the putrefied blood of which running in the
streets, and the extracts therefrom thrown into the water
of the Thames, the air in the same city has been greatly
corrupted and infected, and whereby the worst of abomina
tions and stenches have been generated,' &c. See Riley's
Memorials of London and London Life, p. 356. And the
nuisance was not abated.

1. 38. seuerall name, i. e. ' special name,' Lat. nomine
suo, 'by its own name.'

P. 69,1. 5. numbre of their halles, i.e. 'the number
(of persons) in their halls.'

1. 8. hospitalles. Hospitals grew out of the 'infirmaria '
attached to every monastery. In More's time there was only
one hospital in our sense of the term, St. Bartholomew's,

NOTES: BOOK II 201

founded by Rahere, Henry I's jester and minstrel. More
here makes several suggestions not carried out till our own
time, cured, i. e. looked after, taken care of. Lat.
curantur.

1. 14. thronge, i. e. thronged, crowded. See Dialect
Dictionary, s. v.

strayte, i. e. confined in space, close. Der. from Lat.
strictus = drawn tight, through O.F. estrait (etroit). It is
a doublet of 'strict.1

P. 70, 1. 7. of small honestie, i. e. rather dishonourable
behaviour, in the Latin sense of honestas = ' honour.'

1.8. dresse, make ready, prepare. O.F. dresser, to
arrange. Of. ' make oneself ready ' = to dress, of the
Elizabethan dramatists.

1. 13. by course = in turns, Lat. per vices. Cf. A. V.,
I Cor. xiv. 27.

1. 14. sethinge, i.e. boiling. 'Thou shalt not seetJie
a kid in his mother's milk,' A. V., Exod. xxiii. 19.

1. 30. Euery mother, &c. Such is the provision in
Plato. See Republic, v. p. 460, and Plutarch, De Liberis
Educandis, ch. v : ' The next thing is the nursing of
children, which in my judgment the mothers should do
themselves, giving their owne breasts to what they have
borne.' So Tacitus notes of the German women, ' sua
quemque mater uberibus alit, nee ancillis aut nutricibus
delegantur' (Germania, cap. xx).

P. 71, 1. 5. meruelous silence. For the behaviour of
children at table, see ample information in The Babees Book.
For the particular qualities noted by More, cf. ' Latte
curtesye and sylence with you dwell' (p. 6); 'Tylle thou
have thy fulle servuyse Touche noo misse in noo wyse '
(p. 18). Cf. too the 'Stans puer ad mensam,' pp. 28-33 in
the same collection. Plutarch also lays great stress on
insisting on silence (De Liberis Educandis, cap. 14).

1. 12. ouer wharte = overth wart, across. ouer = upper.

1.14. meesse. The word 'mess,' O.F.mes, is from the Latin
missits, p.p. of mittere, to send, in Low Latin to set or place.
It originally meant a portion set or placed, viz. on a table,
and afterwards came to mean those sitting at the table.
All these arrangements resemble what More must have
been familiar with at the Messes of the Inns of Court ;
but were undoubtedly suggested by those of Lycurgus de
scribed by Plutarch in his Life. See his description of the
dvftpela Or <f)ei8iTia.

202 UTOPIA

1. 23. yongers. We do not use this plural now, but
say 'young people' or 'young ones.' The grouping of the
young with the old at these messes was no doubt suggested
by Plutarch's account of the regulations of Lycurgus
referred to above.

1. 31. dainties. After this in the Latin there follows
a clause in parentheses, omitted by Robynson, ' quarum
non tanta erat copia ut posset totam per domum affatim
distribui ' = of which there was not enough to go round.

1. 32. of both sides them. Ed. 2 reads ' on eche side
of them.'

1. 36. of reading = by reading. This was the usual
custom in the monasteries, but a marginal note in the
Latin version points to its decline : ' Id hodie vix monachi
obseruant. Sermones in conviuiis.' In More's own house
hold it was the custom. ' He used to have one read daily at
his table, which being ended he would ask of some of them
how they understood such and such a passage,' Cresacre
More, Life of More, p. 103.

P. 72, 1. 7. towardnes = tendency, inclination.

1. 12. more strengthe. First ed. erroneously inserts
' no ' before ' more.'

1. 14. rmisicke. More's own fondness for music and
belief in its composing effects were very great. Cresacre
More says that the recreation of his family ' was either
music of voices or viols, for which cause he procured his
wife to play thereon to draw her mind from the world, to
which by her nature she was too much addicted ' (Life,
p. 107). Dr. Lupton points out that, in Holbein's picture of
More's household, a viol is seen hanging up.

nor . . . no. Another instance of the double negative,
though special emphasis seems unnecessary.

1. 15. bankettes = banquets. See Glossary. Lat. mensa
secunda. conceytes nor ionekettes. The Latin has bellaria
= what we should call 'dessert,' i. e. fruits, nuts. &c. Conceit
orig. a 'conception,' and so a 'fancy' or 'fancy trifle,' as
here. Cf. 'He wolde gladlye se conseytes and fantasies at
his table' (Ld. Berners' Froissart, ii. 26. 72). A junket
was originally a basket made of rushes (Lat. iuncus). It
then got the meaning of a cream cheese or any preparation
of cream served on a rush mat. Now it is almost exclusively
confined to the popular Devonshire dish consisting of
sweetened and flavoured curds with a layer of scalded
cream on the top. Here of course the word is used loosely,

NOTES: BOOK II 203

and means simply ' a dainty delicacy.' Cf. ' Bread pasties,
tartes, custardes and other delicate wnckettes dipped in
honie,' Adlington, trans, of Apuleius's Golden Ass, x. xlv.

1. 1 6. for perfumes. Ed. 2 reads or perfumes.

1. 19. maketh for, i.e. contributes to, favours. Cf.
'Not that I neglect those things that make for the dignity
of the commonwealth.' Cf. infra, 103, 31.

1. 26. as from whome, seeing that from them.

CHAPTEK VI

OF THEIR IOURNEYENGE OR TRAUAYLYNGE A ERODE, &C.

Regulations as to the Utopians leaving their country on
visits ; as to their recreations ; their industrial and mercantile
employments ; their contempt for gems, the precious metals,
and gorgeous apparel ; their education and studies in leisure
hours ; their ethical philosophy based on the tenets of Epi
cureanism, tempered with Platonism ; their ideal of the
Summiim Bonuni — that is, 'pleasure' rationally defined and
interpreted ; their intelligence, and sympathy with Greek
literature and philosophy ; their eager welcome of strangers
from other countries who can tell them about these countries
or teach them anything.

P. 73, 1. 9. som profitable let = a very good reason to
prevent them from going.

1. 13. retourne. Dr. Lupton thinks that this curtail
ment by law of their visits to foreign countries may have
been suggested by the provision of Lycurgus for the Spartans :
' He would not permit all that desired it to go abroad and
see other countries, lest they should contract foreign man
ners, or gain traces of a life of little discipline and of a dif
ferent form of government ' (Plutarch, Lives (Langhorne), ed.
1805, p. 155).

1. 23. gentilly enterteined. Lat. humanissime tra
ct a ntur.

1. 24. of his owne head, on his own authority.

1. 28. sharpely. Ed. I reads ' shapely.'
P. 74, 1. 12. There be nether, &c. A contrast with the
state of things in London, where one of the worst of these
iniquities was licensed.

1. 15. in the present sight, 'in full view' (Burnet).

1. 28. the lacke of the one is performed— i. e. the

204 UTOPIA

want is at once supplied. Cf. Chaucer, Astrolabe, ii. 10 :
' Yif thow abate the quantitee of the houre in-equal by daye
out of 30, than shal the remenant that leveth performe the
hour inequal by night.'

P. 75, 1. 3. proffe, proof. The meaning is the uncer
tainty of what next year's crop may prove or turn out. Lat.
euentus.

1. 6. madder. A plant of the genus Rubia : it yields a
valuable red dye. The Lat. word here is coccum, cochineal.

purple die felles. Ed. 2 has 'died.' See Glossary. A
' fell ' is the skin or hide of an animal.

1. 10. meane = moderate.

1. 19. at a daye = on an appointed day.

1. 20. in so doyng. This is a mistranslation of the
original, arising apparently from Robynson's ignorance of
the meaning of the Latin phrase nomina facere = to lend
(Lupton).

followe the credence of pryuat men : i. e. rely on
the credit of individuals. For this meaning of 'credence*
cf. Hall, Chron. 212. b 'The Merchaunt should stande in
adventure, both of losse of stocke and credence.'

1. 22. instrumentes = legal documents, formal agree
ments. Cf. ' We shall show that Instrument, that was made
under the Hand and Seal of the Prisoner at the Bar, as well
as others, for Execution of the King ; that Bloody Warrant '
(Trials of the Regicides, 45).

1. 31. they thinke it no righte nor conscience. Lat.
'haud aequum credunt,' 'they do not think it fair.' ' To think
a thing not conscience ' is to think it such a thing as the
conscience or innate sense of right cannot approve.
P. 76, 1. i . straunge = foreign. Lat. extemi.

1. 6. sette togethers by the eares. Said of animals
fighting ; Lat. ' inter se committi.'

1. 10. beleued. The contempt shown for the precious
metals and for gold, of which More proceeds to speak so much
and so humorously by way of illustration, appears to have
been suggested by Vespucci's account of the tribes visited in
his fourth voyage- (See Introduction.) Plato also forbids
the use of the precious metals in his Commonwealth, Laws, v.
p. 742 ; cf. his remarks in the Republic, iii. p. 417. Tacitus's
Germania, v, notes that the Germans had the same contempt
for the precious metals. Cf. too Bacon, New Atlantis (Ed.
Bohn, p. 287).

1. 1 6. guyse and trade, i. e. manners and ways ; Lat.

NOTES: BOOK II 205

•imply moribus. ' Guise ' is now obsolete in this sense. Of.
' A military roughness, resembling most of the Lacedae
monian guise ' (Milton, Areop., ed. Arber, 37). ' Trade' is akin
to 'tread' (O.E. tredan, v), and so primarily meant a 'foot
step,' hence 'path,' 'way,' and so 'way of living,' a 'prac
tice.' Cf. ' Thy sin's not accidental, but a trade ' (Shakespeare,
M. for M. iii. i. 149). The transition to 'occupation' and
' business ' is easy.

1. 1 8. indyfferente estymer, i.e. impartial judge. 'I
leave to all worthy and indifferent men to judge,' Raleigh,
Apol. 21. estymer *= one who esteems or estimates.

1. 22. applyed = adapted. Lat. accommodetur.

1. 23. occupye. See Glossary.

1. 31. vnder, i. e. lower in value, inferior to.

1. 34. lacke, i.e. miss, endure the absence of; so, 'I
shall be lov'd when I am lack'd,' Shakespeare, Cor. iv. i. 15.

P. 77, 1. 3. thynges. For the sentiment, cf. Horace, Odes,
iii. 3. 49 seqq. :—

1 Aurum irrepertum et sic melius situm,
Cum terra celat, spernere fortior
Quam cogere humanos in usus
Omne sacrum rapiente dextra,'

and Milton, Paradise Lost, i. 687-8.

1. 10. plat, i.e. plate. Lat. ' phyalas . . . aliaque id
genus opera fabre excusa.' ('Vessels,' Burnet.)

1. 19. from ours : depending on discrepant and repug-
naunt — i. e. ' very different from ours.'

1.24. proper-lie *= finely, handsomely; 'proper' is very
commonly used in this sense ; the Latin is elegantissimis.

1. 31. infamed, i.e. disgraced.
P. 78, 1. I. forgo, i.e. give up, go without.

1. 2. at ones. Lat. semel, 'on one single occasion,' ' once.'
Robynson seems to mistake it for simul (Lupton).

1. 15. sharnefastenes. This is the correct orthography
of the modern form, ' shamefacedness,' and has been adopted
by the Revisers of the A.V.

1. 17. nuttes, broaches, and puppettes. Dr. Lupton
illustrates 'nuttes1 (nuces), 'brouches'(&wftae),and 'puppettes'
(pupae], from Persius, Sat. i. 10, v. 31, andii. 70 respectively.
All three expressions, as he points out, refer to ' putting
away childish things.'

1. 22. Anemolians. From Gk. ai/f^wAio?, 'windy';
in ftdffiv, ' to talk words of wind,' is a common phrase

206 UTOPIA

in Homer. Dr. Lupton compares Cicero's description of
Lepidus, 'homo ventosissimus.' 'Anemolius' was the Poet
Laureate of Utopia, the alleged author of the Utopian
Hexastichon included in the preliminary matter prefixed to
the text (Lupton, p. xciii).

1. 25. those .iii. citizeins, i.e. the old wise men sent
yearly from the country to confer about the common matters
of the land. See supra, 50, 14.

1. 31. enfamed. Infamed, despised.

P. 79, 1. 3. dasell = dazzle. A diminutive and frequenta
tive form of ' daze.'

1. 4. silie = plain, simple. This satire by implication
on the ostentatious pomp in dress common in More's time
is illustrated by Hall's account of Henry VIII's appearance
on the occasion of his procession to the Tower before his
marriage with Catharine : ' His grace wered in his upperst
apparrell a robe of crimsyn velvet furred with armyns
[ermines] : his jacket or cote of raised gold ; the placard
embroidered with diamonds, rubies, emeraudes, greate pearles
and other riche stones : a greate bauderiche [baldric] about
his neck of large balasses [rubies] ' ( Chronicle, p. 508,
ed. 1809).

1. 5. in chaungeable colours. This may mean either
a parti-coloured material or else what is called ' shot ' silk.
The Lat. is versicolori, which may seem to favour the former
meaning.

1. 1 1 . aglettes here means ' small pendants.' The word
is the French aiguillette, a small needle ; hence it was used
for the point or tag of a lace. ' Aiguillette ' at the present
day, both in French and English, has passed from the tag to
the braid itself, and is the technical name for the cord hang
ing from the shoulder to the breast on certain military and
naval uniforms.

1. 15. infamed. Lat. infamare, and French infamer,
to render infamous, to disgrace. N. E. D. quotes Holinshed,
Chron. i. 66, 2 'Because ... he somewhat persecuted the
Christians, he was infamed by writers.'

1. 17. howe proudelye . . . them selfes. A good instance
of how Robynson expands ; the Lat. has simply ' quo pacto
cristas erexerint.1

P. 80, 1. 2. lubbor = a dull, clumsy fellow ; a dolt. The
•word is now chiefly used by sailors with ' land ' prefixed.
The derivation is obscure.

1. 23. For they mameyle, i.e. the Utopians.

NOTES: BOOK II 207

1. 30. a shepe weare. Cf. Pope, Essay on Man, iii. 44
' The fur that warms a monarch -warm'd a bear.'

1. 32. of the owne nature = of its own nature, in
itaelf. Lat. has sitapte natura.

1. 37. lumpyshe blockehedded churle. The Lat. has
plumbeus quispiam, transl. by Burnet as ' a Man of Lead.'
P. 81, 1. I. noughtenes = wickedness. See 31, 19 supra.

1. 6. wyle. The second edition reads ' wyle and cautele,'
the latter word being practically a synonym for the former
and derived from the Lat. cautela, a caution, precaution.

1. 9. dreuell, earlier form of ' drivel ' = driveller. As
it is here a synonym for ' slave,' it perhaps does not so much
mean 'imbecile 'as 'drudge.' Cf. Erasm. Par. I Cor. xi. n
' To use his wife as a vile dreuell, because she is commaunded
to obeye.' The Lat. has nebulonem.

then shortely after. The sense is that money is the
important thing and the first consideration ; the man is, as
it were, 'thrown in.'

1. 14. daunger, i. e. power. See, for an exhaustive ac
count of this interesting word, N. E. D.

1. 16. nigeshe penny fathers. ' Nigeshe ' = niggardly
(see Skeat, s. v.). 'Penny father '== a miserly person, a
skin-flint ; the idea being possibly that the attempt to draw
one penny from him is attended with the greatest difficulty.
Cf. Dray ton, Mirrour, p. 1262 'To nothing fitter can I thee
compare, Than to the son of some rich penny father.'

1. 35. They be taughte learninge. We now come
to a very important part of More's work — his account of the
educational system of the Utopians— which is of course
satire by implication on the pre-Renaissance theory and
practice of it.

P. 82, 1. i. syde of the wordle. For this form of the
word see Glossary.

1. 8. comen. The strong past participle. Cf. ' knowen.'

1. 13. clerkes. Originally a ' cleric ' or ' ecclesiastic '
in holy orders. As learning was in the Middle Ages prac
tically confined to the clergy, the word came to mean
as here a ' scholar.' It is also used of the old pre-mediaeval
philosophers, Aristotle, &c.

1. 15. For they haue not deuysed, &c. The marginal
note in the Latin, 'Apparet hoc loco subesse nasum,' pre
pares us for sarcasm. More is here ridiculing the logical
studies so extensively, and to so little purpose, cultivated in
the Schools and Universities of the Middle Ages and of his

208 UTOPIA

own time. Cf. Bacon's remarks, Advancement of Learning,
bk. i, on barren logical subtilties. Butler also ridicules
them — Hudibras, part i. canto i. 65 : —

' He was in Logic a great critic,
Profoundly skill'd in Analytic
He could distinguish and divide ;
A hair twixt south and south-west side.'

And see too Mephistopheles' sensible sneers at the same thing
in Goethe's Faust : —

' Mein theurer Freund, ich rath' euch drum,
Zucrst Collegium logicum,
Da wird der Geist euch wohl dressirt,
In spanische Stiefeln eingeschniirt &c.'

Ed. Tetot, ii. p. 167.

1. 16. restryctyons, amplyfycatyons, and supposy-
tyons in the small Logycalles. Logical terms found in
the book referred to by More, viz. the Parva Logicalia, the
name given to the last part of the Summulae Logicales
of Petrus Hispanus, afterwards, it is said, Pope John XXI,
who died in 1277, only eight months after his election.
There seems to be some doubt, however, as to the identifica
tion of the author with the pope.

1. 1 9. seconde intentyons. Rabelais, II. vii ' Questio
subtilissima, utrum chimera in vacuo bombinans possit
comedere secundas intentiones' [in ridicule of subtle dis
cussions of Schoolmen]. As it would be impossible to
give a clearer definition and account of what is meant by
' second intentions ' than is given by Mansel in his edition
of Aldrich's Logic, I shall content myself with transcribing
his note.

' A first intention or notion is a conception under which
the mind regards things, whether facts of external or of
internal perception. Thus, the individual Socrates is re
garded by the mind as man, animal, body, substance. All
these are first intentions. And a mental state may be suc
cessively regarded as a smell, a sensation, a fact of conscious
ness. These again are first intentions.

' A second intention or notion is a conception under
which the mind regards its first intentions as related to each
other. Thus the relation of animal to man and of man
to animal is expressed in the second intention genus or
species. First intentions as conceptions of things are pre-

NOTES: BOOK II 209

dicable in the individuals conceived under them. Thus we
may say " Socrates is man, animal," &c. Second intentions
are not so predicable : we cannot say, " Socrates is species,
genus," ' &c. — Mansel's Aldrich (ed. 1842), pp. 20, 21. For
a very lucid and interesting dissertation on First and Second
Intentions see Mr. Shadworth Hodgson's Time and Space,
33-45. Marcus Aurelius I. xvii, agreeing with More, enume
rates among the things which he was thankful for, the fact
that he had not wasted time on the subtilties of Logic.

1. 21. man hymselfe in comrnen, i. e. man in the
abstract, man regarded not as an individual, but Ka06\ov
(in general).

1. 24. the course of the starres, &c. Observe how
the good sense of the Utopians separates Astronomy, which
they study, from Astrology which they despise. Rabelais
(Pantagruel, bk. ii. ch. viii), in the admirable letter which
Gargantua writes to Pantagruel, recalling in many respects
More's scheme of education and dated from Utopia, speaks
in the same way of Astrology and Astronomy.

P. 83, 1. 9. manners and vertue. We now come to the
moral philosophy of the Utopians. It is founded partly on
the doctrines of Epicurus, partly on those of Stoicism, and
partly on those of Christianity : from the first is derived the
tenet that the summum bonum of life is pleasure in the
proper sense of the term ; from the second the precept that
life should be regulated ' according to nature ' ; from the
third, the association of Theology, and Theological belief,
with Ethical Philosophy. For the two former More has
drawn almost perhaps entirely on Cicero's De Finibus.

1. 16. felycytye of man. Cf. De Finibus, passim.

1. 20. chiefyste parte of mans felycytye, &c. This
was the teaching of Epicurus. Vespucci had said of some of
his newly discovered tribes, from which More (see Introduc
tion) seems partly to have derived the fable of the Utopia,
that they were followers rather of the Epicureans than of the
Stoics ; ' vivunt secundum naturam, et Epycuri potius dici
possunt quam Stoici' (Mundus Novus, fol. 3 verso).

1. 23. sharpe, bytter, and rygoroua. The epithets are
unsuitable and hardly the meaning conveyed by the Latin,
' grauis et seuera est fereque tristis et rigid a.' Burnet's is an
improvement : ' notwithstanding its severity and roughness.'
P. 84, 1. 3. the lease pleasure should not be a let, &c.
De Finibus, i. cap. 14.

1. 14. onlye in that pleasure that is good. Cf. De

210 UTOPIA

Finibus, ii. 15 'Idem (Epicurus) dicit . . . non posse iucunde
vivere nisi etiara honeste.1

1. 18. life ordered according to nature. To this
phrase the Stoics attached diffei'ent meanings, but the
meaning attached to it by More is no doubt that
J attached to it in Da Finibus, iv. 10. 27 ' secundum naturam
vivere ; quod est ... habere ea quae secundum naturam
sunt, vel omnia, vel plurima et maxima.' To live ' according
to nature ' was to live in accordance with the entire course of
the world, as opposed to individual and special ideas and
impulses, and according to a man's whole nature, not to
a part of it only. See Grant's Ethics of Aristotle, vol. i.
p. 255, and Long's Marcus Aurelius (ed. Bohn), p. 56.

1. 24. of whoes goodnes it is that we be, i. e. have
our being, exist.

1.25. in possibilitie. Misprinted ' impossibilitie ' in
Ed. i.

1. 26. leade our lyfe out of care. Cf. De Finibus,
i. 12. 41.

1. 31. inioyne = enjoin. From Lat. iniungere = to im
pose (a penalty or duty).

laboures, watchinges, and fastinges. There is an
allusion here evidently to 2 Cor. vi. 5, though, as Dr. Lupton
points out, it is only in the English rendering.

P. 85, 1. 5. For a ioyful lyfe. Robynson's punctuation
is here rather perplexing; dashes after 'euell ' and 'hurtefull'
instead of commas would make the sense clearer.

1. 12. natur biddeth the. Cf. De Finibus, i. 9. 30.
^ 1. 18. aceordyng to the prescrypt of nature, i.e.
according to the law or ordinance of nature. Lat. ' ex cuius
praescripto.'

1. 21. not without. Lat. 'quod certe merito facit.'

1. 23. carke. A synonym of ' care.' From the late
Latin carcare, 'to load' ; cf. charge. Hence 'to load oneself
with care.' See N. E. D. So in Kingsley, Alton Locke's
Song 9 ' Why for sluggards cark and moil ? '

1. 30. Wherfore their opinion is. St. John
quotes Hobbes, De Give, i. 3. 36 ' Cum omni homine vel
servanda est fides vel non paciscendum : hoc est, vel declara-
tum bellum vel certa et fida habenda est pax.'

1. 36. constitute = constituted. This form of the
p. p. is still retained in technical phraseology in Scotland
(N. E. D.).
P. 86, 1. i. Thies lawes not offendid. Nominative

NOTES: BOOK II 211

absolute, not often used in English. It is an attempt to
translate the essentially Latin ablative absolute ; the original
has 'Hiis inoffensis legibus,' 'so long as these laws are not
violated.'

1. 8. they selfe = thy self.

1. 9. humanitie = politeness.

1. 27. Appetite they ioyne to nature. That is to say,
in their definition of pleasure they not only include every
motion and state of the body, &c., but healthy or right
desires or inclinations. The Lat. is ' Appetitionem naturae
non temere addunt,' naturae being, as Dr. Lupton suggests,
not dative but genitive.

P. 87, 1. i. taken place, i. e. become deeply seated. Lat.
insederunt.

1. li. counterfeat kinde of pleasure. From his
reference to false notions of pleasure, More goes on to
satirize directly some leading foibles of his time — vanity in
dress and in ancestry.

1. 19. thought. Both editions misprint 'thoughe.'

1. 21. and not by their mistakyng, i.e. and not
through a mistake on their own part.

1. 30. vayne and vnprofitable honoures. With this
passage compare Erasmus's comments on ' Sileni Alcibiadis,'
Adagia, chil. iii. cent. iii. prov. I, the passage beginning:
'Videas in nullis minus esse verae nobilitatis quam in
Thrasonibus istis qui vetustis stemmatibus, qui torquibus
aureis, qui splendidis cognominibus summam iactant nobili-
tatem,' &c.

1. 35. for the opinion of nobilitie, i.e. in considering
themselves of noble birth.

P. 88, 1. 5. of one heare : i. e. even by a single hair, not
a whit, the less noble, a Latin idiom ; cf. Cicero, Q. Fr. ii.
16 ' ego ne pilo quidem minus me amabo.'

1. 6. take pleasure ... in gernmes. The rage of
Henry VIII and his courtiers for the ostentatious display
of jewelry is notorious, and is frequently commented on
by the writers of the time. More's own simplicity, and
contempt for such distinction as he has here described, is
well illustrated by an anecdote told of him by Cresacre More:
' He exercised acts of humility that he made most worldie
men to wonder at him. On the Sunnedaies euen when he
was Lord Chancellor he wore a surplice and sang with the
singers at high mass and matins in his parish church
at Chelsea, which the Duke of Norfolk on a time finding

P 2

212 UTOPIA

sayde, " God bodie, God bodie — My Lord Chancellor, a Parish
Clarke ! you disgrace the king and his office." " Nay," sayde
Sir Thomas, smiling, "your grace may not thinke I dishonour
my prince in my dutifulness to his Lord and Yours " ' (Life of
More, p. 19).

1. 12. styll= constantly, continually.

1. 27. Or of them, i. e. or what shall I say of them ?

1. 35. hoppest=dancest ; N. E. D. quotes Coverdale
I Kings xviii. 26 'They hopped aboute the altare as their
vse was to do.' Psalms Ixviii. 16 'Why hoppe ye so, ye
greate hilles ? ' The Lat. has gestis, to throw oneself about,
to be transported.

P. 89, 1. 9. thu=thou, the reading of Ed. 2.

1. 24. reiected, i. e. given over.

1. 26. they counte huntyng. This tenderness to ani
mals and objection to unnecessary slaughter — one of the
great notes of the Utopia — More shared in common with
Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans. With his remarks here
compare what Plutarch says in his De Solertia Animalium, i
and ii, about hunting, to which pursuit he traces the cruelty
and inhumanity of men : ' Men became insensible and in
human, having once tasted of murder and being accustomed
by hunting and following the chase not only to behold
without pity the wounds and blood of wild beasts, but to
rejoice at their being killed and slaughtered ' : and see also
his De Esu Carnium, Orat. ii ; cf. Ovid, Met. xv. 75 seq. ;
Gay, Fable xxxvi ; Pope, Essay on Man, Ep. iii. 160-8, and
Thomson's eloquent invective, Autumn, 384-457 ; Shelley,
Queen Mob, viii. 77-82 and 111-18.

P. 90, 1. 20. of the good lyfe past. In the Latin
this sentence is followed by ' et spes non dubia futuri boni,'
omitted by Robynson. Burnet : ' and the assured Hope of
a future Happiness.'

1. 28. voided = evacuated.

1. 32. scratchynge. First ed. stratchinge.
P. 91, 1. 2. vpright. The Latin is ctequabili = here ' well
balanced,' with all the ' humours ' in harmonious concert.

1-5- yf yt be not letted nor assaulted with no greiffe,
i. e. if it be not checked or attacked by pain.

1. 20. whyche sayde that stedfaste and quyete healthe.
The substance of this passage seems to have been partly
suggested by the arguments of Cicero and Torquatus on the
summum bonum in bk. i of the De Finibus, and partly by
the argument between Socrates and Callicles in Plato's

NOTES: BOOK II 213

Gorgias, pp. 494-5, but mainly by the discussion in bk. ix of
the Republic, pp. 583-7.

11. 24-5. by some owtwarde motion. Robynson is
translating the extrario of the first three Latin editions,
printed by Dr. Lupton contrario. The allusion is to the
'externall or outwarde pleasure' of 1. 7, supra. Robynson
has omitted nisi (which is in the Latin editions) before
motu ; ' nisi rnotu quopiam extrario sentiri.'

P. 92, 1. 3. procedyng, i. e. progress. A synonym to ' on-
wardnes ' following.

11. 8-9. thee pristynate Btrengthe, i. e. its former
strength. Lat. pristinatus.

1. ir. imbrace the owne wealthe, i.e. cling to and
take to itself its own good. Lat. ' bona sua amplexabitur.'

1. 12. For that, i. e. for where, as in the second edition.

1. 13. For what man wakynge, &c. Robynson is here
a little obscure. Burnet's version is better : ' for what man
is in health, that does not perceive it [is not conscious of it]
when he is awake ? '

1. 1 6. stonyshe = stony.

sleping sicklies. Robynson changed this in the
next version to ' lethargic.' Sleeping sickness is, as is well
known, the name now popularly given to the disease called
' nelavan,' which attacks the negroes on the west coast of
Africa and in Uganda, and generally ends fatally.

1. 21. they imbrace. This in the Latin is properly
followed by ergo, therefore, omitted by Robynson.

1. 32. preuelye stealynge one, i.e. secretly stealing on.

1. 35. carefull greyffes, i.e. pains which give care and
trouble.

1. 37. sealynge. Robynson's translation is obscure ; it
has been suggested that sealynge may be a misprint for
fealynge orhealynge. The Latin is: 'ita hoc quoque voluptatis
genere non egere quam deliniri praestiterit.' Ed. 2 reads,
1 then thereby to be eased of the contrarie grief.'

1. 38. The whyche kynde of pleasure. Cf. Plato,
Republic, ix. p. 583 : ' There are many other cases of suffer
ing in which mere rest and cessation of pain ... is extolled
as the highest pleasure ? ' ' Yes.' . . . ' When pleasure
ceases, that sort of rest will not be pleasant but painful ? '
' Doubtless.' ' Then the intermediate state of rest will be
pleasure and will also be pain? ' 'That is assumed.' ' But
can that which is neither become both ? ' 'I should say
not.' ' And both pleasure and pain are motions in the soul,

214 UTOPIA

are they not?' 'Yes.' ' But that which is neither was just
now shown to be rest and not motion and in a mean
between them ? ' ' Yes.' ' How then can we be right in
saying that the absence of pain is pleasure or that the
absence of pleasure is pain ? ' ' Impossible.'

P. 93, 1. 11. egal = equal. 0. F. egal; this form of the
word, preserved also in the substantive egality and the verb
egall, was common till about the middle of the seventeenth
century.

1. 20. which of necessitye, &c. The second edition is
clearer : ' to the necessarie vse whereof they must from time
to time continually be forced and driuen.'

1. 29. no other kind. Cf. the well-known lines in
Ovid, Met. i. 85-6 ' Os homini sublime dedit, caelumque
tueri lussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus,' with the
comments of Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, ii. 10. 56 ; De Senectute,
21 ; De Legibus, i. 9, where the same idea is put very
strikingly : ' Nam cum ceteros animantes abiecisset ad
pastum, solum hominem erexit, ad caelique quasi cogna-
tionis, domiciliique pristini, conspectum excitavit.'

1. 35. allowe *= commend, approve of. The English
word identifies, after 0. F., the two Latin words, allaudare,
to praise, and allocare, to assign. Hence its various
meanings, reioysinges. Robynson, as Dr. Lupton points
out, has not given the force of the Latin condimenta in the
above word. Burnet is better : ' as the pleasant Relishes
and Seasonings of Life,' but it may possibly be a misprint
for releysinges, relishes.

1. 36. cautell = precaution.

P. 94, 1. 2. yet to dyspyse, &c. In this most interesting
passage (to which a marginal note in the Latin original
directs special attention), More seems to question the wisdom
of that severe ascetic discipline which, in the milder form,
he himself practised. But he is guarded, and merely con
demns it in its harsher form where it is not conducive to
the common good. It is a condemnation of such fanatics as
St. Simeon Stylites.

1. 4. sloughishnes = sluggishness.

1. 9. forborne, i.e. denied, refrained from. Cf. ' Fruits —
Whose taste, too long forborn, at first assay Gave elocution
to the mute ' (Milton, P. L. ix. 747).

1. 10. at Goddes hand. Ed. i reads ' of GOD.'

1. 18. in her daunger, i.e. in her power, under an
obligation to her; v. supra, 81, 14.

NOTES: BOOK II 215

1. 26. lores and ordenaunces. Lat. instituta. Burnet
better : ' constitution and principles.' See Glossary.

1. 36. defende them. Note how More prudently guards
himself.

1. 37. husbande theyr grounde : cultivate.
P. 95, 1. 4. exploited and furnished, i. e. performed,
achieved, administered. Lat. has simply administrata. Cf.
' They departed without exploytinge their message' (Elyot,
Gbv. I. xxvi). ' Exploit ' has lost this meaning, and now
means either technically to work (a mine, &c.j, or else in
a derogatory sense ' to utilize for one's own ends.'

1. 20. Greke. For the point of this, and the associa
tion of Utopian ideals with classical, see General Introduc
tion.

I. 38. free. Both editions misprint faee.

P. 96, 1. 2. lesse then iii. yores. Milton, in his Tractate
on Education, allows one year for mastering the rudiments
and making much progress in Greek.

II. 4-5. wythout anny staye, i. e. without any stopping
or hesitating ; Lat. inoffense.

1. 5. if the booke were not false, i. e. if the text were
not at fault.

1. 7. allyaunte, i.e. allied, akin. The word is very rare.

1. 15. pretye = moderately large. The word was used
to express moderately great in size, quantity, duration, &c.
It is now used almost exactly in the same way, but adverbially,
necessitating an adjective or adverb after it. For the former
use, cf. 'A pretty while these pretty creatures stand, Like
ivory conduits coral cisterns filling' (Shakespeare, Lucrece,
i- 1233).

fardell, i. e. bundle. The word is possibly akin to
the Arabic fardah, a package. It is common in English
of this period, though now obsolete. Cf. ' There lyes such
Secrets in this Farthell and Box, which none must know but
the King' (Shakespeare, W. T. iv. 4. 7^3).

1. 1 6. rather neuer than shortelye, i. e. never to return
rather than quickly (to return).

1. 1 8. Theophrastus. A Greek naturalist and philo
sopher, born at Eresos in Lesbos about 370 B. c. He
afterwards went to Athens and heard Plato and Aristotle, to
the latter of whom he was particularly attached and from
whom he inherited the whole Aristotelian library, the
largest then known. He succeeded Aristotle as head of the
Peripatetic school, over which he presided for thirty-five

216 UTOPIA

years till his death in 288 B. c. He was the reputed author
of 227 works, most of which however are lost. The History
of Plants, Causes of Plants, and the well-known Characters
are perhaps his most important extant works.

1. 20. mormosett. A ' marmoset ' is a small kind of
American monkey (Hapale jacchus). For the history of the
word, see Skeat's Dictionary. The Lat. has cercopithecus,
a long-tailed ape.

1. 24. Lascaria. The Erotemata or Grammatica Grdeca
of Constantine Lascaris was published at Milan in 1476, and
has the distinction of being the first Greek book ever
printed.

Theodoms. Theodorus Gaza was born at Thessa-
lonica in 1398. The Greek Grammar, his chief work, was
first published by Aldus at Venice in 1495. This work was
held in very high estimation by subsequent scholars, and
was generally recognized as the best of its kind. Theodorus
died in 1478.

1. 25. Hesichius. Hesychius, a Greek grammarian of
Alexandria, was the author of a Greek lexicon. Although
the text is very corrupt, the book has been of considerable
use in interpreting obscure and rare words and phrases
of the great Greek classical writers. It was not known
till the sixteenth century, when it was published by Aldus in
1514. Little is known about the author, but he nourished
probably towards the end of the fourth century A.D.

1. 26. Dioscorides. Pedanius Dioscorides was a native
of Anazarbus in Cilicia, and nourished in the reign of Nero.
In early life he probably accompanied the Roman armies
through many countries as physician. He has left us his
celebrated Materia Medica in five books, which treats of
all the then known medicinal substances and their proper
ties. This work enjoj^ed a universal celebrity and popularity
for over sixteen centuries. The first edition of the Greek
text was published by Aldus in 1499 at Venice.

I. 27. Lucianes. Lucian, the Greek Voltaire, was born
at Samosata in Syria about 125 A.D., and is one of the most
interesting and amusing of Greek writers. He was evidently
a great favourite with More as he was with Erasmus, and
More translated four of his dialogues into Latin (see Intro
duction).

II. 28-9. Aristophanes. The greatest of the Greek
comic poets, born about 448 B.C. He is said to have written
fifty-four plays, but only eleven are extant in their entirety.

NOTES: BOOK II 217

He died about 388 B.C. The first printed edition, containing
nine plays, was published by Aldus at Venice in 1498.

1. 29. Euripides. The third and last of the great
Greek tragedians. Born at Salamis in 480 B.C., died
406 B. c. The first edition of his plays, consisting however
only of four, was published by J. Lascaris at Florence at the
end of the fifteenth century. But Aldus in 1503 brought out
an edition containing seventeen.

Sophocles. The second of the trio of Greek trage
dians, born 496 B.C. He entered into competition with
his great predecessor Aeschylus in 468 B.C. Only seven
of his plays are now extant, which in their probable order
are Ajax, Antigone, Electra, Oedipus Tyrannus, Trachiniae,
Oedipus Coloneus, Philoctetes. He died in 405 B. c. The
first edition of his plays was printed at Venice in 1502.

Aldus. From the preceding notes it may be per
haps correctly inferred that Aldus was the most cele
brated of the early printers. Aldus Pius Manutius was the
founder of the firm which was carried on after him by his
two sons. The works that issued from this establishment
were renowned for the correctness of the typography, and so
great was the demand for them that the printers of Lyons
and Florence began the system of issuing counterfeit Aldines
as early as 1502. The press continued in active operation
for upwards of loo years, from 1490 to 1597, and printed
908 different works. The distinguishing mark is an anchor,
entwined by a dolphin, inscribed either with Festina lente or
Sudavit et alsit.

1. 30. Thucidides. The greatest Greek historian. He
was born probably in 471 B.C. and wrote a history of the
Peloponnesian War in eight books, though it is doubtful if
the whole of the eight is from his hand. After living in exile
for twenty years he returned to Athens in 404 B. c. But the
date and manner of his death are unknown. The Greek
text of his work was first published by Aldus in 1502.

1. 31. Herodotua. The 'father of history.' Born
about 484 B.C. at Halicarnassus. His History, written in
nine books, is a general history of the Greeks and Barbarians
(i. e. non-Greeks) between the fall of Croesus 546 B. c. and
the capture of Sestos 478 B.C. He is said to have died
at Thurium, but the date is unknown. The first Greek
edition of his work was printed by Aldus in 1502.

Herodian. A Greek historian. Wrote a history in
eight books of the Roman Emperors of his own lifetime,

218 UTOPIA

Beginning with the death of Marcus Aurelius A.D. 1 80 and
ending with the accession of the younger Gordianus in
238 A.D.

11. 31-2. Tricius Apinatus. A name coined by More
to signify a ' trifler ' or ' fribble.' Apina and Trica were two
towns in Apulia said to have been sacked by Diomede, but so
vile and insignificant before their destruction that they had
become proverbs for vileness and insignificance. See Forcel-
lini's Lexicon, sub verb. Apina. Martial in two epigrams,
i. 112. 2 and xiv. i. 7, uses them to signify trifles: ' Sunt
apinae tricaeque et si quid vilius istis.'

1. 33. Hippocrates. The ' father of medicine.' Born at
Cos 460 B. c. Before his time the science of medicine was
confined to the priests or else taken up in a subordinate way
by the philosophers of the age. He wrote many medical
books, and died in 357 B.C. The first Greek edition of his
works was published by Aldus in 1526.

Galenes Microtechne. Claudius Galenus, the famous
Greek physician, was born at Pergamus 131 A.D. He
attended M. Aurelius, the Roman Emperor, and also his
two sons, and was afterwards physician to the Emperor
Severus. He died about 201 A. D. His most important
works are De Anatomicis Administrationibus, and De Usu
Partium Corporis Humani. The Microtechne mentioned,
i. e. ' Little Art,' was in contradistinction to the larger book
known as Megalotechne or Methodus Medendi, a fuller and
more elaborate work.

1. 36. Phisick, i. e. medicine. Lat. res medica.
P. 97, 1. 8. maruelous and gorgious frame. With
this cf. the fine passage in Plato's Republic, vii. p. 529,
which probably suggested it. St. John compares Cicero,
De Natura Deorum, ii. 37-8.

1. 14. maruelour, i. e. admirer. Lat. admirator.

1. 20. feates, i. e. devices, arts.

1. 33. rides, i. e. reeds. La,t. papyrus, whence our word
'paper.' The papyrus reed from which paper was originally
made is now very scarce in lower Egypt, but it still exists
about the lake Menzaleh, near Damietta, as well as in Sicily.

1. 36. assayings, i. e. essaying, attempting. The word
is now archaic, except as applied to the testing of metals.
Cf. Spenser, Sonn. lib. 8 ' Never ought was excellent
assayde Which was not hard t'atchieve and bring to end.'

feate, i. e. method of doing, knack.
P. 98, 1. 7. sene, i. e. versed, skilled ; an imitation of the

NOTES: BOOK II 219

Lat. spectatus not uncommon in Elizabethan English. Cf.
Hakluyt's Voyages, ii. 2 ' She was seene in the Hebrew,
Greeke and Latin tongues ' ; and Spenser, F. Q. vi. 6. 3
' For he right well in Leache's craft was seene.'

1. 10. wonders, i. e. wondrously. The old genitive case
of ' wonder ' used adverbially. Cf. needs, &c. ; ' Me mette
swiche a swevenyng, That lykede me wonders wel.' — Bom. oj
the Rose, Chaucer, ed. Skeat, i. 27.

1. 17. geer. For the derivation of this word see Glossarial
Index, and for the order of senses N. E. D. Its earliest
meanings were 'apparel,1 'dress'; 'arms,' 'accoutrements' ;
' harness '; ' apparatus,' ' machinery ' ; ' movable property ' ;
' material substance,' &c. Hence it came to mean ' affairs,'
1 business generally,' as here. Cf.

4 But I will remedy this gear ere long,
Or sell my title for a glorious grave.'

(Shakespeare, 2 Henry VI, iii. I. 91.)

1. 20. owte landes, i. e. foreign countries.

vre : not from same root as use, being 'adapted
from 0. F. eure, Lat. opera, 'work.' It was common in M. E.,
but became obsolete about the middle of" the seventeenth
century.

CHAPTER VII

Or BONDEMEN, SlCKE PERSONS, ETC.

Slave labour, performed either by criminals convicted of
some heinous offence, or criminals condemned to death in
some other state, or by voluntary slaves. Their treatment of
the sick and encouragement of suicide in particular cases.
Their marriage regulations : when divorce is allowed, their
treatment of adulterers. How criminal offences are punished
by them. Their delight in social buffoons ; their abhorrence
of jesting at deformed people, and contempt for such vanity
as the application of cosmetics to the face. Their encourage
ment of noble and virtuous actions by the institution of
rewards. The fewness of their laws and their dislike to
lawyers and pettifoggers. Their regard for justice, and their
incorruption, the admiration of neighbouring states. Why

220 UTOPIA

jthey make no leagues - reflections on the characters and
practices of contemporary princes.

P. 89, 1. 6. nor bondemens, i.e. nor of bondemens,
which is the reading of ed. 2. So also 'annye man' = 'of
any man ' in 1. 7.

1. 15. for gramercye, i.e. gratis, which is the word in
the Latin. A contraction for ' grand merci,' great thanks.
'Gramercy'was an interjection meaning originally 'thanks';
hence 'for gramercy ' means 'for a thank you,' 'for nothing.'
Cp. ' He made Corn to be distributed to the People at a very
mean price to some, and for gramercy to the poor ' (North,
Plutarch, 966).

1. 17. bandes. Bonds.

1. 21. godlye. In a godly way. Latin 'ad virtutem
egregie instruct!.1

1. 25. drudge. One employed in mean or servile work
a 'hack.' The derivation of the word is obscure; it is probably
allied to the Lowland Scotch verb ' dree,' which means to
' endure,' ' undergo.' Cf. ' Many they held as drudges and
captyues' (Fabyan, Chron. vii. 497).

1. 27. handle and order. Edition 2 reads ' intreate
and order,' possibly so as not to repeat the word from the
second sentence preceding. The Lat. has tractant.

1. 30. as thereto accustoinede. Being accustomed
to it.

P. 100, 1. 3. as I sayde. Supra, ch. v. pp. 69 sqq.

1. 4. lette notbynge at all passe, i. e. omit nothing at
all, which is the literal translation of the Latin, viz. ' nihil
prorsus omittunt.'

1. 9. But yf the dysease, &c. In so devout a Christian
as More this defence of suicide is truly remarkable, even
when we consider the conditions under which it is alone
represented as justifiable. Orthodox Christian ethics have
always been unanimous against it. More's favourite divine
St. Augustine absolutely forbids it under any circumstances
(see De Civit. Dei, lib. i. ch. xv-xxiv), though some
' heretics ' allowed it : see Fulke's Defence, Works, vol. i.
p. 23, and Whitgift, Works (Parker Society), vol. iii. p. 57.
But suicide under the condition specified by More was unani
mously allowed and even encouraged by the Ancients, Stoics
and all other sects alike, even by Plato : see Laws, bk. ix.
p. 873; for it is doubtful whether the apparently unqualified
condemnation of it by Pythagoras (see Cicero, De Senectute,
ch. xx), by Plato in the Phaedo and Apology, and by certain

NOTES: BOOK II 221

philosophers, was meant to include such cases as More de
scribes. At Marseilles, according to Valerius Maximus, II.
vi, ' Poison, a compound of hemlock, was kept in the city
and given to those who could assign to the Council of Six
Hundred a sufficient reason for wishing to rid themselves of
life : for, though the Council took care that no one should
have it without being able to assign such sufficient reasons,
they were quite willing to provide the means of easy death
to such as could assign such reasons.' For the whole ques
tion see Lipsius, Manuductio ad Stoicam Philosophiam, and
lib. iii. Diss. 22 and 23 ; Donne's Biathanatos, passim ; Hume's
Essay on Suicide ; More, Essay on Suicide ; and Lecky's
Hist, of European Morals, vol. i. In 1872 what More
here inculcates was seriously proposed in a powerful and
eloquent little work by Mr. S. D. Williams entitled Eutha
nasia. See for an account of it, and for an interesting dis
cussion on the subject, Tollemache's Stones of Stumbling,
pp. 1-32. But above all see the admirable disquisition in
Sidney's Arcadia, lib. iv, Ed. 1628, pp. 419-23; a short
passage from which may be quoted :— ' To prejudicate his
(i. e. God's) determination is but a doubt of goodnesse in
him who is nothing but goodnesse. But when indeed he
doth either by sicknesse or outward force lay death upon
us, then are wee to acknowledge that such is his pleasure, and
to know that all is well that hee doth. That we should be
masters of ourselves we can show at all no title nor claime ;
since neither we made ourselves, nor bought ourselves, we
can stand upon no other right but his gift, which hee must
limit as it pleaseth him.'

1. 13. overlyuing hys owne deathe. 'Overlive' is of
course the literal translation of the Latin supercivat ; we
should now say ' outlive ' or ' survive.' More means that a
man is to all practical purposes dead when he ceases to be
of any further use in the world, after which he is outliving
his death. For ' overlive ' in this sense, see Sidney, Arcadia,
iii ' Basilius will not long overlive this loss.'

1. 1 8. take a good hope to hym, i.e. rely on good hope ;
Lat. 'bona spe fretus.'

1. 22. by other, i.e. by others.

1. 24. lyse, i. e. ' lose,' a variant not recognized by the
Cent. Diet.

1. 30. dye in theyre sleape. The phrase is sufficiently
expressive for a death by anaesthetics. The Lat. has sopiti
soluuntur, ' having been put to sleep, they are released.'

222 UTOPIA

I. 31. wytkowte annye fealinge. Both editions mis- I
print ' fealnige.'

II. 32-3. nor they vse no lesse dilygence. They do
not relax their care and attention over him, even though he
does not terminate his life.

1. 34. beleuynge thys to be an honorable deathe. 1
Robynson has here mistranslated through mistaking per- ']
suasos for persuasi, and connecting it with the former clause.
Burnet turns it correctly, though loosely : ' They believe
that a voluntary death, when it is chosen upon such an
authority, is honourable.'

Elles, ' on the other hand ' ; Lat. alioqui. With this
cf. Plato, Laws, ix. p. 873 : ' The suicide who deprives ;
himself by violence of his appointed share of life, not because •
the law of the State compels him, nor yet under the com- ,;
pulsion of some painful and inevitable fortune which has
come upon him, nor because he has had to suffer from
irremediable and intolerable shame,' . . . should be 'cast naked ;
out of the city, and all the magistrates on behalf of the
whole city shall carry stones, and each of them shall cast a ;
stone upon the head of the dead man, . . . and after that they <
shall bear him to the borders of the land and throw him out '
unburied.'

1. 37. of fyer, i. e. of being cremated.

P. 101, 1. i. xvni. yeres. This is the age prescribed by ;
Aristotle, Politics, vii. 16 ; but he thinks the proper age for :
a man to be thirty-seven or thereabouts.

1. 3. bodely. Ed. 2 ' actually.'

1. 5. whether = whichever, which one (of two). Cf. !
' Whether of them twaine did the will of his father ? ' (Matt, j
xxi. 31, A.V.).

1. 21. sheweth the •woman. No doubt suggested by 1
the custom sanctioned by Lycurgus. See Plutarch's Life of '.
Lycurgus, ch. xiv. Cf. Bacon who refers to this passage,
New Atlantis (ed. Bohn, p. 291).

1. 22. wower = wooer.

1. 24. disalowed it = disapproved of it. Cf. 'Though <
they ... do take liberty to ... use . . . sports and exercises
upon the Lord's Day, yet most of their ministers disallow it '
(Ray, Journ. 436).

1. 28. in hassarde, ' at stake.' Cf. ' My reputation, and
my worship had beene in hazard' (Fleming,Pano^Z. Epist. 260 ).

1. 36. esteme, i. e. value, estimate her worth. Lat.
aestiment.

NOTES: BOOK II 223

P. 102, 1. 2. myslyke, i. e. disgust, offend. Cf. ' Bellaria

. . oftentimes comming berselfe ... to see that nothing

should be amis to mislike him,' Greene, Pandosto (1581). For

a commentary on what More says here see Milton, Doctrine

and Discipline of Divorce, ch. iii.

1. 13. well a worthe, 'alas!' See Glossarial Index;
and cf. ' wellaway,' which occurs in Chaucer and in Piers
Plowman in this sense.

1. 29. a greate poynte of crueltie. Swift, with charac
teristic cynicism, reverses this, and makes old age a ground
ipso facto for divorce (Gulliver's Travels, part III. ch. x).
The thought, as Dr. Lupton points out, is from Terence,
Phonnio, iv. I ' CH. Pol me detinuit morbus. DE. Unde ?
aut qui ? CH. Rogas ? Senectus ipsast morbus.'

1. 33. withall. This is another form of ' with,' not
infrequently used when ' with ' ended a sentence. Cf.
'These banished men that I have kept withal' (Shake
speare, T. G. of Verona, v. 4. 152).

1. 34. man and the woman cannot well agree. Here
More is again as paradoxical from the orthodox point of view
as he was in his defence of suicide, but Milton agrees with
him, seriously contending ' that indisposition, unfitness and
contrariety of mind arising from a cause in nature unchange
able, hindering, and ever likely to hinder, the main benefits
of conjugal society, which are solace and peace, is suffi
cient cause for divorce provided there be "mutual consent"'
(Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, ch. i).

P. 103, l.i I. auoutrers, i.e. adulterers. 0. Fr. avouttre.
Cf. ' God wyll condempne advouterers and whorekepers ' (Bale,
Yet a Curse at the Romyshe Foxe, fol. 70 c).

1. 12. luste, 'like,' 'wish.'

1. 22. eftsones : ' eft ' «= a second time, again, + soon.
Thus it means lit. ' soon afterwards,' or simply ' soon.' Cf.
' If he do not accomplishe the order ... to be eftsones taken
and whipped' (Act 22 Hen. VIII, c. 12).

1. 28. husbandes chastice, &c. The old Common Law
of England allowed the husband to give his wife ' moderate
correction,' says Dibdin. The Civil Law gave him the right
to castigate her severely with whips and cudgels (' flagellis
et fustibus acriter verberare uxorem '). See Dibdin's Note,
and Blackstone's Commentaries (vol. i. p. 44, edit. 1787).

1.30. open punyshemente, i.e. public punishment.
Cf. ' If Demetrius . . . have a matter against any man, the
law is open' (Acts xix. 38).

224 UTOPIA

1. 31. maketh for, i. e. is for the advantage of, favours,
tends to. Cf. Ben Jonson, Epicoene. v. i ' Not that
I neglect those things that make for the dignity of the
commonwealth.1

1. 32. But moste commenlye. Perhaps suggested by
the policy of Anysis in Herodotus (ii. 137), who, when an
Egyptian committed any crime, would not have him put
to death, but employed such criminals on public works-,
apportioning their labour and the time of it to the magni
tude of their offences.

P. 104, 1. 1. feare other, i. e. frighten others. Lat. has deter
rent, which is stronger than the English word derived from it.
For the active use of ' fear,' cf. ' Shall it not feare us from
so foule a custome?' (Babington, Commandm. 135). Also,
'Warwicke was a Bugge that fear'd us all' (Shakespeare,
3 Hen. VI, v. 2. 2).

1. 4. desperate. First ed. reads desperace.

1. 14. moueth to = attempts.

1. 17. pretensed = pretended, i. e. intended or designed.
Lat. praetensus, p. p. of praetendo. Cf. Matt. v. 28 ; and
Juvenal, xiii. 208-9 ' Nam scelus intra se taciturn qui
cogitat ullum Facti crimen habet.'

1. 19. too haue no lette, i. e. to have no hindrance,
to be successful.

1. 21. sette greate store by fooles. Plutarch tells us
that Lycurgus dedicated a little statue to the god of laughter
in each hall, as ' he considered facetiousness a seasoning of
their hard exercises and diet, and therefore ordered it to
take place on all proper occasions ' (Life of Lycurgus,
Langhorne's version, ed. 1846, p. 61). Gregorius Lainp-
rechter, Chancellor of Wirtemberg, and afterwards of
Charles V's council, used to say that every prince should
have two fools, one whom he might tease, and the other
who might tease him, ' einen den er vexirt, den andern der
ihn vexirt ' (Flogel, Geschichte der Hofnarren, p. 7). Rabe
lais set the same store by them ; see Pantagruel, bk. iii.
ch. xxxvii. More's fool, Henry Pattinson, is introduced into
Holbein's well-known sketch of More's family.

1. 27. tuition. Here simply ' care,' the original meaning
of the word. Cf. Paston Letters, i. 103 ' The . . . tuycyon of
your seid realme of Fraunche.'

1. 34. dishonestie, i. e. dishonour or dishonourable
conduct. Also cf. ' Shame, that eschueth alle deshonestee'
(Chaucer, Persones Tale, 759).

NOTES: BOOK II 225

i. 36. imbrayde, or embrayde = upbraid. M. E. up-
Irciden, A. S. up-bregdan, to attack, accuse, &c., cognate with
braid, to weave. Elyot, Gov. 16, has ' He was of his enimies
embrayded, and called a schoole master.'

P. 105, 1.2. payntinges, i.e. painting the complexion
with rouge. In all ages men have objected to this practice,
as in all ages it has been practised by women. See Strutt's
Manners and Customs, vol. iii. p. 103, and for much curious
information Dibdin's Note, More, pp. 318-19, ed. Boston, 1878.

1. 6. honest conditions, honourable behaviour, re
spectful deference. Lat. ' morum probitas et reuerentia.'

1. 7. loue is oftentimes wonne. So Crabbe of his
Phoebe Dawson, ' Admirers soon of every age she gained,
Her beauty won them and her worth retained.' Par.
Reg. ii.

1. 17. may sturre and prouoke. Lat. has 'calcar et
incitarnentum sit,' i. e. may be a spur and an incitement.
This was also suggested by a regulation of Lycurgus; see
Plutarch, Instituta Laconica, xviii.

1. 22. hawte or ferefull = haughty or terrifying.

1. 23. vse themselfes, i. e. show, behave themselves.
Lat. has exkibent, where there is an ellipse of se.

1. 27. cappe of maintenaunce. The 'cap of mainten
ance,' also called ' cap of dignity,' is a cap of crimson velvet
lined with ermine with two points turned to the back.
Originally worn by dukes only, it is carried in the hand
before the sovereigns of Great Britain on the occasion of
their coronation, whence in all probability its name. In
the Latin text, diadema serves for all three head-dresses.

I. 31. Thei haue but few lawes. Tacitus remarks
that it is in the corruptest states that there are most laws:
' Corruptissima republica plurimae leges' (Annals, iii. 27) ;
while he observes of Germany ' plus ibi boni mores valent
quam alibi bonae leges' (Ger mania, xix).

II. 31-2. instructe and institute, i.e. instructed and
trained. The original has institutis only.

1. 38. blinder and darker. Lat. has obscuriores, more
obscure.

P. 106, 1. 2. proctours and sergeauntes at the lawe.
With the contempt which More here shows for lawyers and
the technicalities of their profession compare the equally
contemptuous expressions of Cicero, Pro Murena, xi and xii,
and Rabelais, Pantagruel, bk. iii, ch. xxxix-xliv, and bk. v.
xiv-xvi. See, too, Swift, whose contempt for lawyers equalled

226 UTOPIA

his contempt for soldiers, Gulliver's Travels, pt. ii. ch. vi
(Scott's ed. vol. xii. p. 168). A proctor (Lat. procurator, one
who acts for another) was a person who performed the
duties of an attorney or solicitor in the Ecclesiastical and
Admiralty Courts in England. Proctors were formerly
a distinct body from solicitors, but the office is now merged
in the latter class, any solicitor being allowed to practise in
these Courts since 1877, at which time jurisdiction had
already been taken from the clergy, and the Admiralty
Court included in the Probate, Divorce, and Admiralty
Division of the High Court of Justice. The serjeant-at-law
was formerly the highest degree of barrister, ranking next
to the judge, and could only be appointed after sixteen
years' standing. Moreover, he had exclusive audience in
the Court of Common Pleas. He was appointed by a writ
or patent of the crown. This distinction was entirely
honorary, merely giving precedence over ordinary barristers.
The order is now practically extinct, for, since 1868, no
person except a Judge-Designate has taken the degree,
though it has never been formally abolished. The Lat. has
simply causidici, advocates, for both these titles.

1. 8. lesse circumstaunce of wordes, i. e. circumlocu
tion, Lat. minus ambagum.

1. 13. circumuertions, perversions. Lat. calumnias.

chyldren, i. e. people. As often in the Bible.
Cf. Ps. cxliv. 7 ' And deliver me . . . from the hand of
strange children.'' Also I Pet. i. 14 ' As obedient children,
not fashioning yourselves according to the former lusts in
your ignorance.' So passim, 'the children of Israel.'

1. 25. grosse, i. e. the obvious, general. The original
has crassa.

1. 30. blynde an interpretacion. For an excellent
commentary on this see Cicero, pro Murena, xi, xii.

P. 107, 1. 18. affection, i.e. bias, feeling, prejudice. Cf.
Harrison, Exhort, to Scottes, 227 ' Weigh the querell indiffer
ently and without affection.'

auryce = avarice.

take place, i. e. have a place.

1. 19. breake, i. e. break down.

1. 27. neuer . . . none. Another instance of a double
negative for emphasis.

1. 35. here in Europa. For what follows see the
General Introduction. The bitter irony of this passage will
be obvious. The direct references seem to be to the shame-

NOTES: BOOK II 227

ful treachery of the French and of Ferdinand against
Frederick of Naples when Ferdinand joined with Louis XII
in the Treaty of Grenada to portion out Naples between
them in 1500 ; to the treachery of Julius II when in 1510 he
deserted his allies the French, and formed a league with the
Swiss, the Venetians, the Emperor and the Kings of Spain
and England to expel the French from Italy ; and to the
circumstances which in 1514 broke up the Holy League.
See Erasmus's commentaries on the Adagia ' Simulatio et
Dissimulatio ' and ' Imperitia.'

P. 108, 1. I. through the reuerence, &c. The second
edition reads ' at the reuerence and motion of the head
byshoppes.' The Latin reads ' summorum reverentia metu-
que pontificum.' Robynson afterwards apparently read
motuque.

1. 7. thynke well, i. e. rightly think.

1. lo. faythfull, holding the faith, i. e. Christianity.

1. 12. lyne equinoctiall, the equator.

1. 1 6. some cauillation founde in the woordes, i. e.
some legal quibble as to the meaning of the words. To cavil,
Lat. cavillari, is properly to ' mock ' or 'jest,' hence to raise
frivolous objections. For the substantive N. E. D. quotes
Lydgate, Pylgr. Sowle, iv. xxix ' Yf lawes be keped stably
withoute ony cauyllacions.'

1. 27. a shamefull death. Lat. has furca, the cross,
i. e. crucifixion, this being the most ignominious death
amongst the Romans.

euen verye they, i. e. even these very men. Lat. hi
ipsi.

1.31. aualeth it self, i.e. lowers itself. The word
is directly from O.F. avaler, to descend, from the Lat. ad
vallem, to the valley (speaking of rivers flowing down). Cf.
' Phoebus gan availl His weary waine.' — Spenser, Sheph.
Cal., Jan. 73. The root is also found in ' avalanche.'

1- 34- i>y lowe = below. This was altered in the second
edition to ' lowe by the ' = near. The Lat. has humirepa for
the whole phrase.

1. 36. because it shall not run at rouers, i. e. that
it may not run wild. The Lat. has ' neve usquam septa tran-
silire queat'=that it may nowhere be able to leap over the
bounds. ' To shoot at rovers ' is a term of archery meaning
to shoot an arrow at random and not at any particular
object or target. Cf. Drayton, Polyolbion, xxvi ' With broad
arrow or prick, or roving shaft, At marks full fortie score

228 UTOPIA

they used to prick or sore,' and South's Sermons, ' Providence
never shoots at rovers'

P. 109, 1. 4. so euyll kepers of, i. e. who so loosely
observe.

I. 9. was verye euel begonne, i. e. it was a bad thing
ever to have commenced them.

II. 9-10. this causeth men. A reference to the ill-
feeling between England and Scotland, particularly from
the time when James IV allied himself with France to the
results of the Battle of Flodden Field.

CHAPTER VIII

OF WARFARE.

Dislike of the Utopians to war, and their method of
conducting it. Their chief aim to minimize bloodshed.
Preference of stratagem to force. Immoral intrigues and
practices to which they resort. Employment of mercenaries
and the character of those mercenaries. How their battles
are conducted and their camps fortified. Cost of -the war
imposed on the conquered.

With this chapter should be compared Erasmus's Pacts
Querela and his commentary on ' Dulce bellum inexpertis,'
Adagia, chil. iv. cent. iv. prov. I. More's opinions on this
subject were identical with those of his friends Erasmus and
Colet, but they were shared also by the Anabaptists and
afterwards by the Quakers.

P. 119, 1. i. beastelye, i. e. fit for beasts. Lat. ' rem
plane beluinam.'

1. 6. glory gotten in warre. With More's abhorrence
and contempt for war should be compared Swift's Gulliver's
Travels, the remarks of the King of Brobdingnag, part ii.
ch. vii. The Anabaptists and Quakers have always held the
same view. In modern poetry it is a distinct note. Cf.
Browning's Love among the Ruins ; Tennyson's Loclcsley Hall •
Whittier's Poems passim ; and Longfellow, In the Arsenal at
Springfield : —

'The warrior's name should be a name abhorred,
And every nation that should lift again
Its hand against a brother, on its forehead
Should bear for ever more the curse of Cain.'

NOTES: BOOK II 229

1. II. to seke in the feat of armes, i.e. unaccus
tomed to the use of arms. ' To be to seke ' = to be wanting
in. Cf. ' Does he not also leave us wholly to seek in the art
of political wagering ? ' — Swift, Tale of a Tub, v.

1. 12. goo to battayle. So Ed. 2; Ed. i inserts 'to'
before 'goo.' ,

1. 19. not euer, i. e. not always.

I. 24. probable, i. e. able to be substantiated, a just one,
exactly in the Latin sense. Cf. Milton, Civil Power in Eccles.
Causes, ' He who maintains tradition not probable by Scrip
ture ' ; and Jeremy Taylor, Holy Living, iv. 5 ' a probable
necessity.'

the contrarye parte, i. e. the other side.

II. 29, 30. much more mortally, i. e. with much more
rancour. Lat. multo infestius.

1. 30. frindes marchauntes, i. e. the merchants with
whom their friends do business.

P. Ill, 1. 4. iNephelogetes. A very appropriate Utopian
name, ' the people of Cloudland.' Ne^Xo-yerni, a word coined
by More and no doubt suggested by the Homeric vf<f>e\r]y(p(Ta,
which has of course quite a different meaning. From Gk.

Alaopolitanes. The inhabitants of the ' City of
Blind men.' From Gk. dAaor, blind, and noXis, a city.

1. 13. shrewedely = severely. Cf. ' The air bites
shrewdly; it is very cold,'— Shakespeare, Hamlet, i. 4. i.
Also, ' I knew one shrewdly gor'd by a Bull,' — Dampier,
Voyages, II. ii. 99.

1. 25. wiped, i. e. defrauded, cheated. Cf. ' We are but
quit ; you fool us of our moneys, In every cause, in every
quiddit wipe us.' — Fletcher, Spanish Curate, iv. 5. The
expression is more common in Greek and Latin than in
English. Cf. Greek cmopvaro-fiv and Lat. emungere. beside
= out of. Cf. ' That no God was able to put him besides his
Kingdom.' — Ussher, Ann. v. 88. N. E.D. quotes Fox, Acts and
Mon. ii. 384 ' He put the new Pope Alexander beside the
cushion, and was made pope himself.'

1. 27. occupieng. See Glossary.

1. 32. frindes marchaunte men. Those who are
trading with their friends. The Lat. is amicorum nego-
tiatores.

1. 33. leise = lose. There are four variants of the
spelling of this word by Robynson.

P. 112, 11. 3, 4. nother in his liffe, nother in his liuinge,

230 UTOPIA

i. e. there is no loss of life nor livelihood. Lat. out vita out
victu.

1. 19. sett vp a pyller. With this cf. Plutarch, Insti-
tuta Laconica, xxv : ' Whenever a victory war gained through
a well-contrived stratagem, and thereby -with little loss
of men and blood, they always sacrificed an ox to Mars : but
when the success was purely owing to their valour and
prowess, they only offered up a cock to him ; it being in
their estimation more honourable for their generals and
commanders to overcome their enemies by policy and
subtlety than by mere strength and courage ' (Goodwin's
paraphrase of Plutarch's Morals, vol. i. pp. 94-5.

1. 22. cracke, i. e. brag. ' Crack ' is primarily to make
a sharp noise ; hence, to utter or tell in a loud voice. We
still use the word in ' crack a joke.' Then, as here, ' to talk
big,' ' boast.' Cf. ' Thou art always cracking and boasting.' —
Addison, Drummer, I. i. when. Lat. quoties, how often.

1. 26. puisance. Ed. i reads ' pusyaunce.'

1. 34. moued battayle, i. e. made war.

1. 37. aferde, i. e. afeard, afraid. Cf. ' Fye, my Lord, fie !
A Souldier and affear'd.' — Shakespeare, Macbeth, v. i. 41.

P. 113, 1. i. sette forewarde, i. e. further the interest
of, help on. Cf. Prayer Book, ' In the Ember Weeks,' ' that
. . . they may set forth thy glory, and set forward the salva
tion of all men.'

I. 5. denounced, i. e. proclaimed. Lat. indicto hello.

II. 5, 6. manye proclamations. The whole of this
passage with all that follows is an exact account of the
intrigues of Henry VIII and his minister Lord Dacre against
Scotland. See Brewer, Letters and State Papers, vol. ii. pt. i.
Introduction, p. cclxix. It may be added that this would
be brought home to More, as the correspondence passed
through Tunstal's hands when minister in the Netherlands.

I. 19. takinge their partes, i. e. if they will join them.

II. 22-3. they haue, i. e. their enemies, the reading of
the second edition.

1. 29. So that, &c. There is no ' consequence ' here.
The original is 'Tarn facile quodvis in facinus impellunt
munera,' 'so easily do gifts drive men to any kind of deed.'

1. 30. enforce, i. e. force, impel. Cf. ' My serving you
. . . Enforced this to come to pas' (Tusser, Husbandry
(1878), 5).

1. 31. they kepe no measure, i. e. they fix no limits.

1. 33. endeuoure themselfes, reflexive. See Glossary.

NOTES: BOOK II 231

P. 114, 1. 4. amonge other people ya dyeallowed, i. e.

is not permitted by other people. Lat. ' apud alios impro-
batura.'

11. 6-7, 36. as who = as those who.

I. 14. basse = lower.

II. 20-1. occa^yons of debate and dyssentyon. The
best commentary on this will be an extract from Lord
Dacre's dispatch to the Lords of the Council dated August I,
1515 : 'Received their letter . . . directing him as of himself
to practise with the Lord Chamberlain and other lords of
Scotland to induce the sending of an embassy for peace, to
foment quarrels between Albany and Angus, and between
Albany and the Chamberlain, so as to drive the Duke out of
Scotland ' (Brewer, Letters 4' State Papers, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 205).

1. 33. intyerlye = entirely, i. e. singularly. The Lat.
original is unice.

P. 115, 1. 5. of = from. Lat. ex.

Zapoletea. The people intended are the Swiss,
and the word, as Dr. Lupton has pointed out, is plainly
coined by More from the Greek, and means ' ready sellers '
(of themselves), or ' readily sold.' Zairca\f)Tai. or Zana>\f)Toi
from Za-, the intensive, and TrcoXetV, to sell. More's character
of the Swiss is amply corroborated by their conduct in the
Italian wars. They first fought against their own country
men on the side of Ludovico Sforza, when they simply sold
themselves to the highest bidders. In 1500 they deserted
Sforza and went over to the French. In 1513, entering the
service of Leo X, they defeated the French at the battle
of Novara. More gives them this prominence because, at
the very time he was writing, Henry, through Pace, was
bargaining for their assistance in the war against France,
they ' being willing to assist him with 2o,cco men at 40,000
florins a month ' (Brewer, Letters and State Papers, vol. ii.
pt. i. p. 264).

1. 7. hydeous. The Lat. is horridus, and probably
simply means ' rough.'

I. 10. abide, i. e. endure. Cf. ' He could not abide an
ass ' (De Foe, ' Hist. Apparitions,' Works, xv. 370). The word
in this sense is extremely rare in an affirmative sentence as
we have it in the text, being almost invariably used with
a negative or quasi-negative, e. g. ' I cannot abide,' ' He could
scarcely abide,' &c.

II. 10, ii. abhorrynge from, i.e. shrinking from, Lat.
abhorrere. Cf. Fynes Moryson, I. 3. i. 208 ' Most part of

232 UTOPIA

the Mariners are Greekes, the Italians abhorring from being
sea men.'

1. 15. breede = breeding.

1. 25. whomewyth they be in wayges, i. e. from whom
they receive pay.

1. 31. lytle more moneye. For the greed of the Swiss,
cf. Pace's letter to Burbank (Brewer, Letters and Papers of
Henry VIII, Preface, Iviii) : ' The Swiss be unreasonable in
asking money, and remedy there is none, " quia talis est
illorum barbaries ut pecuniam petitam neganti mortem
minentur." '

1. 32. there awaye, i. e. in those parts, an interpolation
of Robynson's.

1. 34. nye = nigh, i. e. near in relationship.

1. 37. separate = separated, Lat. distmcti.
P. 116, 1. 7. taken, a smacke in, i. e. acquired a taste for.

1. 1 6. abuse, use ill.

1. 20. on liue >= ' alive,' the reading of Ed. 2.

1.31. ioyne to = join-to, i.e. add. Lat. 'suos ciues
adiungunt.'

I. 33. conductyon, i.e. leadership, command. Cf.
Holinshed, Chron. ii. 221 'English horsemen under the
conduction of the lord William Evers.'

II. 37-8. by inherytaunee. The Lacedaemonian cus
tom. Thucyd. iv. 38 (Lupton).

1.38. miscarry = fail, or be incapacitated. The original
is 'ex euentu.' Cf. 'Two ill-looking Ones, that I thought
did plot how to make me miscarry in my journey ' (Bunyan,
Pilg. Prog. i. 256).

P. 117, 1. 10. be. Ed. I misprints 'by.'

1. 13. so that = provided only that.

1. 14. dyspose them, i.e. set them out.

I. 15. maye not flye. The original is 'non sit refugi-
endi locus,' there may be no occasion for flight.

II. 16, 17. what for . . . what for, see supra, 49, 19.

11. 22-3. women . . . accompanye their husbandes.
Suggested no doubt either by Plato, Republic, v. p. 457 :
' Then let the wives of our guardians strip, having virtue
for their robe, and share in the spoils of war and the
defence of their country' (Jowett's translation), or by
Tacitus, German, xviii ' ne se rnulier extra virtutum cogita-
tiones extraque bellorum casus putet, ipsis incipientis matri-
monii auspiciis admonetur venire se laborum periculorumque
sociam, idem in pace, idem in praelio passuram auswrawque.'

NOTES: BOOK II 233

1. 26. sett fylde, i. e. line of battle, battle array ; Lat.
in acie.

1. 29. alliaunce, i. e. kindred, Lat. cognati. Cf. ' There
fore let our Alliance be combin'd ' (Shakespeare, Jul. Caes.
iv. i. 43).

P. 118, 1. 7. bronte = shock, onslaught. See Glossary.

1. 10. gyue backe, i.e. retreat. Cf. 'So they (Fiends)
gave back and came no further ' (Bunyan, Pilg. Prog. i.
p. 108).

1. 14. pensifenes = M. E. pensifnesse, gloomy thought.

1. 17. knowledge in cheualrye, i.e. practical know
ledge of military discipline. Lat. militaris disciplinae
peritia.

1. 1 8. putteth them in a good hope, i.e. gives them
confidence.

1. 28. honestie = honour, exactly the Latin honestas.

1. 31. bende = band, modification of 'band.' bende is
rare in this sense, from F. bande, Low Lat. banda, ' a gang,'
after 1600 (N. E. D.).

1. 34. inuade = attack.

P. 119, 1. 10. rerewarde, i.e. the rear guard. 'Rere'is
short for M. E. arere, behind. ' Warde ' is an 0. F. form
of garde. Cf. ' The God of Israel will be your rereward '
(Isa. Hi. 12).

1. 24. spyte of there tethes = in spite of their teeth,
their direct opposition ; i. e. despite all resistance. The

ghrase ' in the teeth ' means ' in direct opposition to.' The
ent. Diet, quotes Urquhart's Rabelais, i. 49 ' They met
Picrochole in the teeth ' ; and Shakespeare, C. of E. ii. 2. 22
' Dost thou geer and flout me in the teeth ? '

1- 37- pollicie, i. e. stratagem. Lat. stratagemate.

1. 38. softely = quietly. Lat. sensim.
P. 12O, 1. 8. in harneis, i. e. under arms. The Lat. is ' in
armis,' and cf. the same phrase in 1. 18, ' armati.' M. E.
harness, 0. F. harneis. Cf. Ital. amese • it properly means
'tackle, gear.' It was afterwards applied to armour and
particularly to a coat of mail, and in Elizabethan English
is commonly so used. So Shakespeare, Macbeth, v. 5. 52
' At least we'll die with harness on our back.'

1. 9. auentures, i. e. events, surprises.

1. 19. afarre of, i. e. for long-distance fighting.

1. 22. mortall, i. e. death-dealing, deadly. Lat. letales.

1. 23. foynes, i.e. thrusts made with the point of the
weapon thrust forward, as distinct from the strokes made

234 UTOPIA

with the edge of the weapon. Usually derived from 0. F.
foine, a three-pronged fish-spear. Lai. fuscina.

I. 30. handsome = handy, easy to manipulate. Cf.
' Neither were the barbarous huge targets, and long spikes
BO handsome among trees and low shrubs as darts and swords.'
Grenewey, Tacitus' 8 Ann. ii. 4. 37.

P. 121, 1. 3. espiall, i. e. a spy. This is an obsolete meaning
of the word, which now means ' the action of espying.'
For the former meaning cf. Holinshed, Chron, i. 174 'His
(Harold's) vnskilfull espials took the Normans for priests.'

II. 1 8, 19. laye it vpon theire neckes that be con
quered, i. e. ' put it down to the conquered.' The Lat. has
simply victis imputant.

11. 26-7. vii. hundreth thousand ducates. This is
probably the gold ducat, which was worth 95. 4^., and was
current in Holland, Sweden, Austria, and Russia, and not
the Italian or silver coin worth about 33. 6d. The total
amount would therefore be about £326,500.

CHAPTER IX

OF THE RELIGYONS IN VTOPIA.

Of the various forms of religion in Utopia. Readiness
with which many of the Utopians embraced Christianity.
Their remarkable tolerance, and dislike of intolerance, in
culcated by King Utopus ; his reasons for such indulgence ;
his two restrictions on liberty of thought, and why they were
imposed. Utopian belief in the immortality of the souls of
brutes. Burial of the dead, and how it is conducted. Belief
in the presence among the living of the souls of the dead ;
contempt for soothsaying and divination. Importance
attached to the study of natural history, to manual labour,
and to good exercises as a preparation for an after-life.
Devout citizens divided into two sects ; tenets and practices
of these sects. The Utopian priests ; their characteristic
functions. Festivals of Churches and religious services in
Utopia. Concluding reflections of Hythlodaye and More on
the application of Utopian theories and practices to con
temporary life.

P. 123, 1. 5. Some worshyp. In this account of the
forms of religion current in Utopia, More simply specifies
the forms which religion has actually assumed among man
kind, possibly drawing on the first book of Cicero's De Natura

NOTES: BOOK II 235

Deorum and the first book of Lactantius, De Falsa Eeligione,
where those forms are enumerated. Cf. also Tacitus,
Germania, ix.

11. 5, 6. the sunne . . . the mone. Cf. Cicero, De Nat.
Deorum, I. ii. 27 ' Crotoniates Alcmaeon, qui soli et lunae
reliquisque sideribus . . . divinitatem dedit.' It was the
religion of the primitive Germans (see Caesar, De Bella Gall.
vi. 10) and of many other barbarous peoples.

1. 7. to a man. As Gaudama the Buddha, Confucius,
Zoroaster (Lupton).

1. 10. the moste. This pantheistic conception of
Deity reminds us of the accounts given of the Pythagorean
creed (Lactantius, De Falsa Religione (ed. 1685), i. p. ll) and
of that of Zeno (Diogenes Laertius, Vita Zenonis, Ix. 2) ; it
is also the conception of Deity formulated by Cicero and
constituting apparently his own creed. See Tusculanae
Quaestiones, lib. i. 26. 66.

1. 1 8. Nether they, i.e. nor do they.

1. 25. Mythra. Mithras was the Persian Sun-God. See
Strabo, xv. p. 732 (Casaub.) 'The Persians . . . worship the
sun, whom they call Mithras.' As the Utopian language
was ' not unlike the Persian tongue,' it is not unpatural that
they should worship the same God. The worship of Mithra
was attended with elaborate ritual observances and cere
monial mysteries, and spread far and wide, being also prac
tised in Rome under the early Empire, especially in the
army, for upwards of 300 years. There is proof of the
presence of Mithraism in Britain, tablets being found in the
Roman wall at York relating to it.

P. 124, 1. 8. as he was mynded, i. e. while he was making
up his mind. Lat. inter mutandae religionis consilia, think
ing of a change of creed. The reminiscence here of St.
Augustine's De Civitate Dei is unmistakable. That work
was written to refute the popular opinion that the fall of
Rome had been the result of the wrath of the Pagan deities
at the neglect of their worship through the substitution of
Christianity for Paganism.

1. 1 2. reuenge, i. e. exact retribution for. Lat. vindicante.

1. 22. next vnto, i. e. nearest to ; the second edition
reads ' nieghest.' ' That opinion ' is explained by what follows,
namely, that Christ approved of communism.

1. 26. Christ instytuted. The original merely says
'Christo placuisse,' = that Christ approved.

1. 28. Tightest Christian companies. The marginal

236 UTOPIA

note in the Latin, coenobia, seems to show that More meant
monasteries.

1. 32. amonge vs foure. Originally Hythlodaye had
five companions. Cf. Book I, and General Introduction.
Note the touch of realism.

1. 35. entered, i. e. initiated, Lat. initiati. Cf. Ellwood,
Autobiography, 202 ' He asked me if I would enter his Chil
dren in the Rudiments of the Latin Tongue'; and Shake
speare, Cor. i. 2. 2 'They of Rome are entredin our Counsailes.'

I. 37. minister, i. e. administer, confer. Cf. ' Christ
hath commanded prayers to be made, sacraments to be
ministered, his Church to be carefully taught and guided '
(Hooker, Eccles. Pol. III. ii).

P. 125, 1. 5. mynded to chuse one. It was this passage
which suggested and gave point to what More relates in hi§
letter to Peter Giles, namely, that a certain godly man was
anxious to go out as a missionary to Utopia, hoping to be
made bishop. (See Appendix.)

II. 9, 10. one of cure companye, i. e. of those who had
been converted.

1. 12. with more earnest affection then wisdome,
i. e. with greater zeal than prudence.

1. 21. not as a despyser, &c. This conception of
religion purely in its political aspect is very remarkable in
a man tempered like More. (See Introduction.) For the
sentiment cf. Dryden, Beligio Laid, 447-50: —

' . . . Private reason 'tis more just to curb
Than by disputes the public peace disturb ;
For points obscure are of small use to learn,
But common quiet is mankind's concern.'

1. 31. seuerall partes, i.e. different sides. As the
country was thus split up by these religious factions Utopus
found little difficulty in conquering it.

P. 126, 1. 20. trewe. For the discrepancy of what is here
inculcated with More's measures against the Protestants, see
Introduction.

1. 24. trewthe of the owne powre. The original has
' ipsa per se ueri uis,' the mere force of truth by itself.

P. 127, 1. 7. aualed, i. e. lowered, degraded, see Glossary.
With the sentiment cf. Bacon's Essay on Atheism : ' They
that deny a God destroy man's nobility ... as Atheism is in
all respects hateful, so in this, that it depriveth human
nature of the means to exalt itself above human frailty.'

NOTES: BOOK II 237

11. 8, 9. muche lease in the numbre of their oitizieng,
i. e. be is not even counted in the number of men, much less
as one of their citizens.

1. 13. breake, the commen lawes. For this idea that
a man who is an atheist will have no regard for the law or
for morality, cf. the freethinker Collins's reply, when he
was asked why he was careful to make his servants go to
Church : ' I do it that they may neither rob nor murder me ' ;
and Tillotson's sermon on the Advantages of Roligion to
Societies (Works, vol. iii. 43 seqg.}, both quoted in Pattison's
Tendencies of Religious lliouyTit in England, 1688-1750,
reprinted from Essays and Reviews in Pattison's Essays,
Oxford, 1899, vol. ii.

I. 1 7. reiecte, i. e. rejected.

II. 1 8, 19. of all sortp, i.e. by all classes; 'sort' is
commonly used in old English for a number of persons, and
for a particular class.

1. 21. punyshemente. This of course refers to physical
punishment. The original has supplicium.

1. 22. beleue. The original has sentiat, i. e. be of such
opinion.

1.28. dispute in his opinion, i.e. discuss his opinion.

and that onlye. The omission of these three words
and the comma makes the meaning clear.

1. 29. elles a parte, i. e. otherwise. Lat. alioquin.

1. 37. liuinge. Ed. I misprints ' gliuine.'
P. 128, 1. 4. all they, i. e. they all.

1. 5. blesse, i. e. bliss. This spelling is very rare, though
'blisse' is common. It occurs, however, in Walkington,
Opt. Glass, 65 ' The soul is ... wrapt up into an Elysium
and paradise of blesse.'

1. 8. carfully, i. e. full of care, anxiously and reluctantly.

1. II. forefeilyng = fore-feeling, presentiment.

1. 22. merely = merrily, cheerfully.

1. 24. ioyfull synging. Suggested perhaps by what
Herodotus says (Hist. v. 4) of the Traugi : rbv 6' aTroyivonevov
nni^ovrty re Kal f]86/j.(voi yfj Kpvmovtri, iv&.syOVTtS uamv KUKUV
e^anaXXax^fis fan fv rrdcrr) (v5nifj.ovir] (' One that dies they
bury in the earth, making merry and rejoicing, recounting
the many evils from which being released he is now in per
fect bliss' ) ; or possibly Euripides ( Fragments of the Cresphon-
tes), where he says that, considering the evils of life, we
ought rather to mourn those who enter life, TOV 8 ' av Qavovra

238 UTOPIA

('but him who is dead and hath ceased from his labours we
ought with rejoicings and congratulations to escort from his
home to the grave '). Cf. too Sir Thomas Browne, Eeligio
Medici, part i. sect, xliv: 'The first day of our jubilee is
death ; the devil hath therefore failed of his desires : we are
happier with death than we should have been without it.'

1. 33. their vertue, i. e. of the dead.

1. 38. feoble. This form is recognized in N. E. D.

inuisible. Ed. I, 'invisibly.'

P. 129, 1. 6. charytye. Ed. 2 reads 'amitie.' Lat.
charitas.

11.9, 10. bepresentlye conuersaunte. i.e. arepersonally
present among the living. The original is versari, ' to turn
oneself about.' Hence 'to turn oneself about much in a place,'
and so ' frequent.' There is no word corresponding to ' pres-
entlye' in the Latin, but here it probably means ' in presence,'
'actually.' See also 'present conuersacion ' in 1. 14; Lat.
' credita maiorum praesentia.' The beautiful superstition of
which More here speaks was no doubt suggested by the
Eoman Lares and Manes. Cf. 11. 13-16, with the sentiment
of Tennyson, In Memoriam, i.

I. 17. despise and mocke sothe sayinges, &c. The
favourite butts of Euripides' scorn and contempt.

II. 21-2. esteame and worshippe miracles. Cf.
More's confutation of Tyndale, quoted in Tyndale's Works,
'Answer to More's Dialogue' (Parker Soc. ed., p. 100) : 'I
say that the Catholic Church bringeth miracles for their
doctrine, as the Apostles did for theirs, in that God ceaseth
no year to work miracles in his Catholic Church, many and
wonderful, both for his holy men quick and dead.' And see
chaps, iv-xvii of the First Book of the Dialogue.

1. 30. the prayse thereof cumminge, i. e. the praise
given to God which is inspired by the contemplation of
nature.

1. 33. nor . . . no. Double negative for emphasis. ' No '
is changed to 'any' in ed. 2.

1. 34. of thinges, i.e. except religion.

1. 36. exercises, i. e. duties. Lat. qfficia. It is on the
salutary effect of such ' exercises ' as these that Ruskin lays
so much stress ; see Sesame and Lilies and Fora Clavigera,
passim.

P. 130, 1. 7. lothsumnes = loathsomeness.

fraye, i. e. frighten. Cf. ' Instead of fraying they them
selves did feare ' (Spenser, F. Q. ii. 12. 40).

NOTES: BOOK II 239

I. 13. seruiseable. Not in our sense of the word 'use
ful,' but ' as servants,' ' proffering their services.' The Latin
has ' sese servos exhibent,' behave themselves as slaves. Cf.
Milton, Ode on the Nativity, 244 ' And all about the courtly
stable, Bright-harness'd Angels sit, in order serviceable.'

II. 18, 19. flesh . . . beastes. Whilst the former (Lat.
caro) would mean ' meat,' the latter (Lat. animal) would also
include birds and fish.

1. 22. sweatynge, i. e. toiling, labouring. Cf. Cowley,
Tree of Knowledge, st. 4 ' Henceforth, said God, the wretched
Sons of Earth shall sweat for Food in vain.'

1. 27. labour and toyle. Ed. I misprints ' tiole.'
P. 131, 1. I. worship them. After these words comes
a sentence in the Latin which Robynson omits to translate :
'Nihil enim sollicitius observant, quam ne temere quicquam
ulla de religione pronuncient ' (translated by Burnet, ' There
is nothing in which they are more cautious, than in giving
their Opinion positively concerning any Sort of Religion').

I. 3. Buthrescas. From Gk. ftov- (Qovs, an ox), used in
compounds for something ' very big,' ' huge,' as ftovnais, 'a big
boy,' @ov\i[j.la, 'ravenous hunger' (cf. our 'horse' in 'horse-
chestnut,' &c.) ; and 6prja-Kos, ' religious,' ' devout.' So that it
means ' extraordinarily religious.'

II. 5, 6. therefore very few. More's dislike of priests
finds strange illustration in this remark.

1. 1 8. a(uoyding of strife. The first edition omits every
thing between ' a ' in ' auoyding ' and ' consecrate.'

1. 20. religions, i.e. religious ceremonies and services.
Cf. Milton, Par. Lost, i. 372 ' The invisible Glory of him
that made them to transform Oft to the image of a brute
adorn'd With gay religions full of pomp and gold.'

1. 23. dissolute. Both editions misprint ' dissolate.'

1. 28. sauynge that the priestes, &c. This is a Latin
construction, and perhaps not quite clear in the English.
We should say, ' except that the priests excommunicate those
whom they find exceeding vicious livers from having any
interest in divine matters.'

1. 32. runne in verye great infamy, i. e. incur very
great disgrace ; a not uncommon use of the word even now,
as ' run in debt,' or ' run in danger.'

1. 35. approue, i.e. prove, demonstrate. Cf. Shake
speare, Cymbeline, v. 5. 245 ' One thing . . . which must
approve thee honest.'

P. 132, 1. II. risinge of, i. e. arising from.

240 UTOPIA

1. 12. women. It is remarkable that in his controversy
with Tyndale there were no points more emphatically and
intemperately denounced by More than Tyndale's vindication
of women as ministers of religion and the contention that
priests should be allowed to marry. See More's Confutation,
bk. v, and Tyndale's Answer (Works, Parker Soc. ed., pp. 18,
29, 30, 98, 176). What More says about women in the text
was perhaps suggested by Plutarch, Laconica, xxxv. The
Lacedaemonians did not ' exclude either sex from their
temples and religious services, but as they were always bred
up to the same civil exercises so they were to the same com
mon performances of their holy mysteries ' (Plutarch, Morals,
Goodwin's translation, vol. i. p. 97). Possibly More may
have been thinking of Phoebe, who is described as a SIUKOVOS
in Epistle to the Romans, xvi. i. Among the Collyridian
heretics women were admitted to the priesthood. See Lecky,
Hist, of European Morals, ii. 365.

1. 19. common. As before, 'public.'

1. 22. after so singuler a sort, i.e. in so special a
manner.

1. 37. runne in, &c. ' Incur,' as above.
P. 133, 1. 3. mean, i. e. average, mediocre.

1. 4. thies priestes. In this picture of the conduct of
the priests in Utopia we have another oblique satire on the
part too often played by Christian priests both in mediaeval
times and in More's own day. Instead of composing, they
had too often inflamed war, as Henry the Fifth's bishops had
done and such a Pope as Julius II. Wolsey had encouraged
Henry VIII in his invasion of France, and More had just
seen the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the bishops of
Caithness and of the Isles abetting James IV in his am
bitious designs, and falling at his side at the battle of Flodden
Field.

1. 14. in to the mayne battayle, i. e. into the thick of
the fight. Lat. acies = fighting-line.

1. 26. reculed, i. e. recoiled. Fr. reculer.
P. 134, 1. 4. Cynemernes. ' Lynemernes ' is the reading
of the first English editions ; probably a misprint. Dr. Lupton
expresses his surprise that Robynson should have altered
' Cynemernos' into ' Lynemernos' ; but he does not, at least
in the editions I have consulted. Dr. Lupton's explanation
(and I have no better one to give) is that the word is meant
' to suggest Kwr)nepiv6s [KVVOS and fjfj.€pa], " the dog's day of
the month," strictly the night between the old and the new,

NOTES: BOOK II 241

when food was placed out at the crossways, and the barking
of the dogs was taken as a sign of the approach of Hecate
(see Theocritus, Idyll, ii. 35-6).'

Trapemernes. This Dr. Lupton explains as rpan-
T)p.tpiv6f, ' the turning or closing day of the month ' : from
rptTTtiv and rjpipa, through the adjective fifupuids.

1. 8. curious. In the Latin sense of ' careful ' or
1 elaborate.'

1. 14. ouer much light. From the earliest times it was
usual for churches to be brilliantly lighted. More's sugges
tion that in an ideal church the light should be dim and
subdued, because such subdued light was conducive to devo
tion, appears to be original. Possibly the idea may have
been suggested to him by Euripides' Bacchae, 485-6, where
it is said that in religious rites darkness adds solemnity : —
Penilieus. ra 8" Ipa vvKrap fj p.ed' j]p.tpav reXfls ',
Dionysus. VVKT<OP TO. rroXXa' artftvorrft' f\ft (TKOTOS.
All readers will recall Milton's ' Storied windows richly
dight, Casting a dim religious light' (II Penseroso, 159-60).

1. 23. indifferently, i. e. equally, alike, impartially. So
till the eighteenth century. Cf. Steele, Toiler, No. 57
'All Mankind are indifferently liable to adverse strokes of
Fortune.'

1. 24. sacrifice. As the Utopians had no sacrifices (see
p. 136, 1. 4), the Latin (sacrum) would be more correctly
translated ' rite.'

P. 135,1. i. yet, i.e. still.

1. 20. knowe themselfes to beare, &c. The parallel
between this passage and the Rubric before the Communion
Service in the Liturgy will be obvious : ' The same order shall
the Curate use with those betwixt whom he perceiveth malice
and hatred to reign ; not suffering them to be partakers
of the Lord's Table, until he know them to be reconciled.'

1. 26. the men goo, &c. The separation of the sexes
in the Christian churches, Dr. Lupton observes, is as old as
the Apostolical Constitutions.

1. 27. the women in both editions.

1. 30. goodman. The original has paterfamilias. Good
wyfe, Lat. materfamilias. Words not yet wholly obsolete.
Cf. Macaulay's Horatius, st. Ixx : —

' When the goodman mends his armour,
And trims his helmet's plume ;
And the goodwife's shuttle merrily
Goes flashing through the loom.'

240 UTOPIA

1. 12. women. It is remarkable that in his controversy
with Tyndale there were no points more emphatically and
intemperately denounced by More than Tyndale's vindication
of women as ministers of religion and the contention that
priests should be allowed to marry. See More's Confutation,
bk. v, and Tyndale's Answer (Works, Parker Soc. ed., pp. 18,
29, 30, 98, 176). What More says about women in the text
was perhaps suggested by Plutarch, Laconica, xxxv. The
Lacedaemonians did not ' exclude either sex from their
temples and religious services, but as they were always bred
up to the same civil exercises so they were to the same com
mon performances of their holy mysteries ' (Plutarch, Morals,
Goodwin's translation, vol. i. p. 97). Possibly More may
have been thinking of Phoebe, who is described as a SH'IKOVOS
in Epistle to the Romans, xvi. i. Among the Collyridian
heretics women were admitted to the priesthood. See Lecky,
Hist, of European Morals, ii. 365.

1. 19. commen. As before, 'public.'

1. 22. after so singular a sort, i.e. in so special a
manner.

1. 37. rxinne in, &c. ' Incur,' as above.
P. 133, 1. 3. mean, i. e. average, mediocre.

1. 4. thies priestes. In this picture of the conduct of
the priests in Utopia we have another oblique satire on the
part too often played by Christian priests both in mediaeval
times and in More's own day. Instead of composing, they
had too often inflamed war, as Henry the Fifth's bishops had
done and such a Pope as Julius II. Wolsey had encouraged
Henry VIII in his invasion of France, and More had just
seen the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the bishops of
Caithness and of the Isles abetting James IV in his am
bitious designs, and falling at his side at the battle of Flodden
Field.

1. 14. in to the mayne battayle, i. e. into the thick of
the fight. Lat. acies = fighting-line.

1. 26. reculed, i. e. recoiled. Fr. reculer.
P. 134, 1. 4. Cynemernes. ' Lynemernes ' is the reading
of the first English editions; probably a misprint. Dr. Lupton
expresses his surprise that Robynson should have altered
' Cynemernos' into ' Lynemernos' ; but he does not, at least
in the editions I have consulted. Dr. Lupton's explanation
(and I have no better one to give) is that the word is meant
' to suggest Kwrjutpivos [KW 6s and rj^fpn], " the dog's day of
the month," strictly the night between the old and the new,

NOTES: BOOK II 241

when food was placed out at the crossways, and the barking
of the dogs was taken as a sign of the approach of Hecate
(see Theocritus, Idyll, ii. 35-6).'

Trapemernes. This Dr. Lupton explains as rpair-
rjfjLfpivos, ' the turning or closing day of the month ' : from
rptneiv and >7MfPa> through the adjective fifupu>6s.

1. 8. curious. In the Latin sense of ' careful ' or
' elaborate.'

1. 14. ouer much light. From the earliest times it was
usual for churches to be brilliantly lighted. More's sugges
tion that in an ideal church the light should be dim and
subdued, because such subdued light was conducive to devo
tion, appears to be original. Possibly the idea may have
been suggested to him by Euripides' Bacchae, 485-6, where
it is said that in religious rites darkness adds solemnity : —
PentJieus. ra 8" ipa VVKTO>P r) p.e6' ijp.epav reXeij ;
Dionysus. vvKrop TO. iro\\a' (rep.voTr)^ f\fi CTKOTOS.
All readers will recall Milton's ' Storied windows richly
dight, Casting a dim religious light' (II Penseroso, 159-60).

1. 23. indifferently, i. e. equally, alike, impartially. So
till the eighteenth century. Cf. Steele, Tatler, No. 57
'All Mankind are indifferently liable to adverse strokes of
Fortune.'

1. 24. sacrifice. As the Utopians had no sacrifices (see
p. 136, 1. 4), the Latin (sacrum) would be more correctly
translated ' rite.'

P. 135,1. I. yet, i.e. still.

1. 20. knowe themselfes to beare, &c. The parallel
between this passage and the Rubric before the Communion
Service in the Liturgy will be obvious : ' The same order shall
the Curate use with those betwixt whom he perceiveth malice
and hatred to reign ; not suffering them to be partakers
of the Lord's Table, until he know them to be reconciled.'

1. 26. the men goo, &c. The separation of the sexes
in the Christian churches, Dr. Lupton observes, is as old as
the Apostolical Constitutions.

1. 27. the -women in both editions.

1.30. goodman. The original has paterfamilias. Good
wyfe, Lat. materfamilias. Words not yet wholly obsolete.
Cf. Macaulay's Horatius, st. Ixx : —

' When the goodman mends his armour,
And trims his helmet's plume ;
And the goodicife's shuttle merrily
Goes flashing through the loom.'

244 UTOPIA

P. 140, 1. I. presently, i. e. at the present time. Lat. in
praesenti.

1. 3. kylleth them vp. 'up' = off. Cf. Shakespeare,
As You Like It, ii. i. 62 'To fright the animals and to kill
them up, In their assign'd and native dwelling-place.'

1. 22. acquyteth, i. e. requiteth. Cf. Gower, Confess.
Amant. (ed. Macaulay), bk. viii, 11. 2298-9 ' This wold I
for my laste word beseche, That thou mi love aquite as
I deserve.(

1. 24. commen lawes. A reference to the Statute of
Labourers passed in 1495-6, and again in 1514.

1. 31. by force of a law. The Statute of 1514.
P. 141, 1. 17. rauine. From O.F. ravine, ralrine (Lat.
rapind), robbery, rapine, and so plunder. The original sense
of the word is lost in French, where it now means ' a violent
rush of water ' (N. E. D.).

brabling, i. e. cavilling or wrangling. The deri
vation of the word is obscure. Cf. Raleigh, History of the
World, i. 172 'The brabblings of the Aristotelians.'

1. 36. lady money. The Latin is simply beata ilia
pecunia, translated by Burnet ' that blessed thing called
money.' Robynson was no doubt thinking of the phrase
' lady Pecunia ' which became so common afterwards among
the Elizabethans. See Barnfield's Encomium of Lady
Pecunia ; and the ' Queen ' or ' Lady ' Pecunia in Ben
Jonson's Staple of News.

1. 37. a goddes name = in God's name. Latin has
scilicet. Cf. Chaucer, Prol. 854 ' What, welcome be the cut,
a Goddes name I '

P. 142, 11. 8, 9. oure sauioure Christe. This association
of Christ with communism was one of the heresies of the
Anabaptists, which makes More's insistence on it the more
remarkable. See Bullinger's Letters (Parker Society ed.),
vol. ii. 1 8, 21, iv. 18 ; and Hooper's Works (Id.), vol. ii. p. 42.
It is a heresy condemned in one of the articles, Liturgi/,
Edw. VI. 536. But see More's repudiation, supra, p. 45 foil.

1. 13. not that one. Ed. i, 'No that one.'

1. 14. princesse. The first edition reads 'prince.'
What More here says of pride ' he says with equal emphasis
in his 'De Quatuor novissimis' (English Works, 1577, pp. 82,
1270, referred to by Dr. Lupton). It is condemned not less
strongly, and for the same reasons, by his contemporaries, by
Warner, as Satan's chief instrument for leading men astray,
see Fair's Select Poetry, p. 379 ; ' as the headspring of all

NOTES: BOOK II 245

evil' by Becon, Works, i. 198 ; ' as the source of heresies ' by
Tyndale, Works, ii. 140.

1. 1 8. by her good will, i. e. of her own -will.

1. 23. hell hound. The original has auerni serpens,
' serpent of Avernus.'

1. 28. yet, i. e. at least. Lat. reads saltern.

1. 29. chaunced to, i. e. fallen to. Lat. contigisse.

1. 32. wealthely, happily, successfully. Lat. feliciter.

1. 37. ieopardye of domesticall diasention. Lat.
1 nihil impendet periculi ne domestico dissidio laboretur,'
i. e. no risk of party strife.

P. 143, 1. i. well fortefied and strongly defenced
wealth and riches of many cities. Robynson has once
more paraphrased the Latin : ' quae una multarum urbium
egregie munitas opes pessundedit.' For defenced, cf. A.V.,
Jer. i. 18 'I have made thee this day a defenced city.'

1. 25. other = others. Lat. quosdam. Cf. P.B. version
(Coverdale's) of the Psalms, vii. 16 ' He is fallen himself
into the destruction that he made for other.'

1. 29. communication, i. e. conversation. See Glossary.

1. 33. ones = at some future time.

1. 35. els, Lat. alioquin ; i. e. but for Raphaell's love of
fault-finding.

APPENDIX
I.

C To THE RIGHT HONOURABLE HlEROME BuSLYDE,
PROUOST OF ARIEN, AND COUNSELLOURE TO THE
CATHOLIKE KINGE CHARLES, PETER G\TLES ClTIZIEN
OF ANTWERPE, WISHETH HEALTH AND FELICITIE.

THOMAS MORE the singular ornamente of this our age, as
you your self (right honourable Buslide) can witnesse,
to whome he is perfectly wel knowen, sent vnto me this
other day the ylande of Vtopia, to very few as yet knowen,
but most worthy which, as farre excelling Platoes commen
wealthe, all people shoulde be willinge to know: specially
of a man most eloquent so finely set furth, so conningly
painted out, and so euidently subiect to the eye, that as oft
as I reade it, me thinketh that I see somwhat more, then
when I heard Raphael Hythloday himselfe (for I was present
at that talke aswell as master More) vtteryng and pronounc
ing his owne woordes : yea, though the same man, accordinge
to his pure eloquence, did so open and declare the matter, that
he might plainely enough appeare to reporte not thinges,
which he had learned of others onelye by hearesay, but
which he had with his own eyes presently sene, and
throughly vewed, and wherein he had no smal time bene
conuersant and abiding: a man trulie, in mine opinion, as
touching the knowledge of regions, peoples, and worldly
experience, rnuche passinge, yea euen the very famous and
renowmed trauailer Vlysses: and in dede suche a one, as for
the space of these viij. c. yeres past I think nature into the
worlde brought not furth his like : in comparison of whome
Vespuce maye be thought to haue sene nothing.

248 UTOPIA

Moreouer, wheras we be wont more effectually and
pitthely to declare and expresse thinges that we haue sene,
then whiche we haue but onelye hearde, there was besides
that in this man a certen peculiar grace, and singular
dexteritie to discriue and set furth a matter withall. Yet
the selfe same thinges as ofte as I beholde and consider
them drawen and painted oute with master Mores pensille,
I am therwith so moued, so delited, so inflamed, and so rapt,
that sometime me think I am presently conuersaunt, euen
in the ylande of Vtopia. And I promise you, lean skante
beleue that Raphael himselfe by al that flue yeres space
that he was in Vtopia abiding, saw there somuch, as here
in master Mores description is to be sene and perceaued.
Whiche description with so manye wonders and miraculous
thinges is replenished, that I stande in great doubt wherat
first and chieflie to muse or marueile : whether at the
excellencie of his perfect and suer memorie, which could
welniegh worde by woorde rehearse so manye thinges once
onely heard : or elles at his singular prudence, who so well
and wittyly marked and bare away al the originall causes
and fountaynes (to the vulgare people commenly most
vnknowen) whereof both yssueth and springeth the mortall
confusion and vtter decaye of a commen wealth, and also
the auauncement and wealthy state of the same may riese
and growe : or elles at the efficacie and pitthe of his
woordes, which in so fine a latin stile, with suche force of
eloquence hath couched together and comprised so many
and diuers matters, speciallie beinge a man continuallie
enconibred with so manye busye and troublesome cares,
both publique and priuate, as he is. Howbeit all these
thinges cause you litle to maruell (righte honourable Buslid)
for that you are familiarly and throughly acquainted with
the notable, yea almost diuine witte of the man.

But nowe to procede to other matters, I suerly know
nothing nedeful or requisite to be adioyned vnto his
writinges. Onely a meter of .iiij. verses written in the
Vtopian tongue, whiche after master Mores departure
Hythloday by chaunce shewed me, that haue I caused to be
added thereto, with the Alphabete of the same nation, and
haue also garnished the margent of the boke with certen
notes. For, as touchinge the situation of the ylande, that
is to saye, in what parte of the worlde Vtopia standeth, the
ignoraunce and lacke whereof not a litle troubleth and
greueth master More, in dede Raphael left not that vnspoken

APPENDIX I 249

of. Howbeit with verie fewe wordes he lightly touched it,
incidentlye by the way passing it ouer, as meanyng of
likelihod to kepe and reserue that to an other place. And
the same, I wot not how, by a certen euell and vnluckie
chaunce escaped vs bothe. For when Raphael was speaking
therof, one of master Mores seruauntes came to him, and
whispered in his eare. Wherefore I beyng then of purpose
more earnestly addict to heare, one of the company, by
reason of cold taken, I thinke, a shippeborde, coughed out
so loude, that he toke from my hearinge certen of his
wordes. But I wil neuer stynte, nor rest, vntil I haue gotte
the full and exacte knowledge hereof: insomuche that
I will be hable perfectly to instructe you, not onely in the
longitude or true meridian of the ylande, but also in the
iust latitude therof, that is to say, in the subleuation
or height of the pole in that region, if our frende Hythloday
be in safetie, and aliue. For we heare very vncerten newes
of him. Some reporte, that he died in his iorney horne-
warde. Some agayne amrme, that he retorned into his
countrey ; but partly, for that he coulde not away with the
fashions of his countrey folk, and partly for that his minde
and affection was altogether set and fixed vpon Vtopia, they
say that he hathe taken his voyage thetherwarde agayne.

Now as touching this, that the name of this yland is
nowhere founde amonge the olde and auncient cosmographers,
this doubte Hythloday himselfe verie well dissolued. For
why, it is possible enoughe (quod he) that the name, whiche
it had in olde time, was afterwarde chaunged, or elles that
they neuer had knowledge of this iland : forasmuch as now
in our time diuers landes be found, which to the olde
Geographers were vnknowen. Howbeit, what nedeth it in
this behalfe to fortifie the matter with argumentes, seynge
master More is author hereof sufficient ? But whereas he
doubteth of the edition or imprinting of the booke, in deede
herein I both commende, and also knowledge the mannes
modestie. Howbeit vnto me it semeth a worke most vn-
worthie to be long suppressed, and most worthy to go abrcd
into the handes of men, yea, and vnder the title of youre
name to be publyshed to the worlde : either because the
singular endowmentes and qualities of master More be to no
man better knowen then to you, or els bicause no man is
more fitte and meete then you, with good counselles to
further and auaunce the commen wealth, wherin you haue
many yeares already continued and trauailed with great

250 UTOPIA

glory and commendation, bothe of wisedome and knowledge,

and also of integritie and vprightnes. Thus o liberal!

supporter of good learninge, and floure of this cure time,

I byd you moste hartely well to fare. At

Antwerpe .1516. the first daye of

Nouember.

II.

C THOMAS MORE TO PETER GILES

SENDETH GRETYNGE.

I AM almoste ashamed, right welbeloued Peter Giles, to
sende vnto you this boke of the vtopian commen wealth,
welnigh after a yeares space, which I am suer you loked for
within a moneth and a half. And no marueil. For you
knewe welenough, that I was already disbourdened of all
the labour and study belonging to the inuention in this
work, and that I had no nede at all to trouble my braynes
about the disposition or conueyaunce of the matter ; and
therefore had herin nothing els to do, but only to rehearse
those thinges, which you and I togethers hard maister
Raphaell tel and declare. Wherefore there was no cause
whie I shold study to set forth the matter with eloquence ;
for asmuch as his talke cold not be fine and eloquent, being
firste not studied for, but sodein and vnpremeditate, and
then, as you know, of a man better sene in the greke lan
guage then in the latine tong. And my writing, the nigher
it shold approche to his homely, playne, and simple speche,
somuch the nigher shold it go to the trueth ; whiche is the
only marke, wherunto I do and ought to direct all my trauail
and study herin.

I graunt and confesse, frende Peter, meself discharged of
eomuch labour, hauing all thies thinges redy done to my
hand, that almoost there was nothing lefte for me to do.
Elles other the inuention, or the disposition of this matter,
might haue requyred of a witte, nother base nother at all
vnlearned, bothe some time and leasure, and also some
studye. But yf yt were requysyte and necessary, that the
matter shoulde also haue bene wryten eloquentelye, and not
alone truelye: of a suerty that thynge coulde I haue per-
fourmed by no tyme nor studye. But nowe, seynge all

APPENDIX II 251

thyes cares, stayes, and lettes were taken awaye, wherin
elles somuche laboure and studye shoulde haue bene em
ployed ; and that there remayned no other thynge for me to
doo, but onelye to write playnlye the matter as I hard it
spoken ; that in dede was a thynge lyghte and easye to be
done. Howe beit, to the dyspatchynge of thys so lytell
busynes my other cares and troubles did leaue almooste
lesse then no leasure. Whyles I doo daylye bestowe my
tyme abowte lawe matters ; some to pleade, some to heare,
some as an arbytratour wyth myne awarde to determyne,
some as an vmpier or a judge with my sentence finallye to
discusse ; whiles I go one way to see and visite my frend,
an other way about mine owne privat affaires; whiles I
spend almost al the day abrode emonges other, and the
residue at home among mine own ; I leaue to meselfe,
I meane to my boke, no time.

For when I am come home, I muste commen with my wife,
chatte with my chyldren, and talke wyth my seruauntes.
All the whyche thynges I reken and accompte emonge
busynes, forasmuche as they muste of necessytye be done :
and done muste they nedes be, oneles a man wyll be a
straunger in hys owne howse. And in any wyse a man muste
so fassyon and order hys condytyons, and so appoynte
and dyspose hym selfe, that he be merye, iocunde, and pleas-
aunte amonge them, whome eyther nature hath prouyded,
or chaunce bathe made, or he hymselfe hathe chosen, to be
the fellowes and companyons of hys lyfe : so that wyth to
muche gentle behauyoure and famylyaryte he doo not marre
them, and, by tomuche sufferaunce, of hys seruauntes make
them hys maysters. Emonge thyes thinges nowe rehearsed
stealethe awaye the daye, the moneth, the yeare. When doo
I wryte, then ? And all thys whyle haue I spoken no woorde
of slepe, nother yet of meate, whyche emonge a greate num
ber doth waste no lesse tyme then dothe slepe, wherin
almooste halfe the lyfe tyme of man crepethe awaye. I
therefore doo wynne and gette onelye that tyme, whyche
I steale from slepe and meate. Whyche tyme bycause yt ys
verye littell, and yet somwhat it is, therfore haue I ones
at the last, thoughe it be longe first, finished Vtopia, and
haue sent it to you, frende Peter, to reade and peruse ; to
the intent that if anye thynge haue escaped me, you might
putte me in remembraunce of it. For though in this behalf
I do not greatly mistruste meself (whiche woulde God
I were somewhat in witte and learnyng, as I am not all

252 UTOPIA

of the worste and dullest memory), yet haue I not so great
truste and confidence in it, that I thinke nothing could fall
out of my mynde.

For John Clement my boye, who as yow knowe was there
present with vs, whome I suffer to be awaye from no talke,
wherin may be anye profit or goodnes (for out of this yong
bladed and newe shotte vp corne, whiche hath alredy be-
gonne to sprynge vp bothe in Latine and Greke learnynge,
I looke for plentiful increase at length of goodly rype
grayne), he, 1 saye, hath brought me into a greate doubte.
For wheras Hythlodaye (oneles my memory fayle me) sayde
that the bridge of Amaurote, which goeth ouer the riuer
of Anyder, is fyue hundreth paseis, that is to saye, half
a myle, in lengthe ; my Jhon sayeth that ii. hundred of those
paseis must be plucked awaye ; for that the ryuer conteyneth
there not aboue thre hundreth paseis in bredthe. I praye
yow hartely call the matter to youre remembraunce. For
if you agree with hym, I also wyll saye as you saye, and
confesse me selfe deceaued. But if you cannot remember
the thynge, then suerly I wyl write as I haue done, and
as myne owne remembraunce serueth me. For as I will take
good hede that there be in my booke nothyng false, so, if
there be anythynge in doubte, I wyll rather tell a lye then
make a lye ; bicause I had be good then wise rather.

Howbeit this matter maye easely be remedied, if yow wyll
take the paynes to aske the question of Raphaell himselfe,
by worde of mouthe, if he be nowe with yow, or els by youre
letters. Which you must nedes do for an other doubte also,
whiche hath chaunced, throughe whoes faulte I cannot tell,
whether throughe myne or youres or Raphaels. For neither
we reniembred to enquire of hym, nor he to tell vs, in what
parte of that newe worlde Vtopia is situate. The whiche
thinge I had rather haue spent no small somme of money
then that it should thus haue escaped vs ; aswell for that
I am ashamed to be ignoraunt in what sea that Ilande
standeth, wherof I write so longe a treatyse, as also because
there be with vs certayne men, and especially one deuoute
and godly man, and a professour of diuinitie, who is ex-
cedynge desierous to go vnto Vtopia ; not for a vayne and
curious desiere to see newes, but to the intent he maye
further and increase our religion, whiche is there already
luckely begoune. And that he may the better accomplyshe
and perfourme this his good intent, he is mynded to procure
that he maye be sent thether of the byshoppe, yea and

APPENDIX II 253

that he hymselfe may be made bishop of Vtopia; beynge
nothynge scrupulous herein, that he must obteyne this
byshopricke with suete. For he counteth that a godley
suete, whiche procedeth not of the desiere of honour or
lucre, but only of a godly zeale.

Wherfore I moste earnestly desyere you, frende Peter, to
talke with Hythlodaye, if you can, face to face, or els to
wryte youre letters to hym ; and so to worke in this matter,
that in this my booke there maye neyther any thynge be
founde whiche is vntrue, neither any thinge be lacking
whiche is true. And I thinke verely it shalbe well done
that you shewe vnto hym the booke it selfe. For if I haue
myssed or fayled in any poynte, or if any faulte haue
escaped me, no man can so well correcte and amende it,
as he can : and yet that can he not do, oneles he peruse and
reade ouer my booke written. Moreouer by this meanes shal
you perceaue, whether he be well wyllynge and contente
that I should vndertake to put thys worke in wr37ting. For
if he be mynded to publyshe and put forth his owne labours
and trauayles hymselfe, perchaunce he woulde be lothe,
and so would I also, that in publyshynge the Vtopiane
weale publyque, I should preuente and take from hym the
flower and grace of the noueltie of this his historie.

Howbeit, to saye the verie truthe, I am not yet fully
determined with me selfe, whether I wyll put forth my
booke or no. For the natures of men be so diuers, the
phantasies of some so wayewarde, theire myndes so vnkynde,
theire iudgementes so corrupte, that they which leade a
merie and a iocunde lyfe, followinge theire owne sensuall
pleasures and carnal lustes, maye seine to be in a muche
better state or case, then they that vexe and vnquiete them-
selfes with cares and studie for the puttynge forth and
publyshynge of some thynge, that maye be either profett
or pleasure to other ; whiche neuertheles wyl disdaynfully,
scornefully, and vnkyndly accepte the same. The moste
parte of al be vnlearned : and a great numbre hath learnynge
in contempte. The rude and barbarous alloweth nothynge
but that which is verie barbarous in dede. If it be one that
hath a lytell smacke of learnynge, he reiecteth as homely
and commen ware whatsoeuer is not stuft'ed full of olde
moughteaten wordes, and that be worne out of vse. Some
there be that haue pleasure onely in olde rustie antiquities ;
and some onely in theire owne doinges. One is so sowre, so
crabbed, and so vnpleasaunt, that he can awaye with no

254 UTOPIA

myrthe nor sporte. An other is so narrow in the sholders,
that he can beare no iestes nor tawntes. Some selie poore
soules be so aferd that at euery snappishe worde theire nose
shalbe bitten of, that they stande in no lesse drede of euerye
quicke and sharpe worde, then he that is bytten of a madde
dogge feareth water. Some be so mutable and waueryng,
that euery houre they be in a newe mynde, sainge one
thynge syttynge, and another thynge standynge. An other
sorte sytteth upon theire allebencheis, and there amonge
theire cuppes they geue iudgement of the wittes of wryters,
and with greate aucthoritie they condemne euen as pleaseth
them euery wryter accordyng to his writinge ; in moste
spiteful maner mockynge, lowtynge, and flowtynge them :
beynge themselfes in the meane season sauffe, and, as sayth
the proverbe, out of all daunger of gonneshotte. For whye,
they be so smugge and smoethe, that they haue not so much
as one heare of an honest man, whereby one may take holde
of them. There be moreouer some so vnkynde and vngentell,
that thoughe they take great pleasure and delectation in the
worke, yet for al that they can not fynde in theire hartes to
loue the author therof, nor to aforde hym a good worde ;
beynge muche lyke vncourteis, vnthankefull, and chourlishe
guestes, whiche, when they haue with good and deyntie
meates well filled theire bellyes, departe home, geuynge no
thankes to the feaste maker. Go youre wayes, nowe, and
make a costly feaste at youre owne chargeis for guestes so
deyntie mouthed, so dyuers in taste, and bisydes that of so
vnkynde and vnthankefull natures.

But neuertheles, frende Peter, do I praye you with

Hythlodaye as I willed you before. And as for this matter,

I shalbe at my lybertie afterwardes to take newe aduisement.

Howebeit, seynge I haue taken great paynes and laboure in

wrytynge the matter, if it may stande with hys mynde and

pleasure, I wyll, as touchinge the edition or publishing of

the booke, followe the counsell and aduise of my frendes,

and specially yours. Thus fare you well, ryght

hartely beloued frende Peter, with

youre gentell wyfe ; and loue

me as you haue euer done ;

for I loue you better

then euer I dyd.

(••0

GLOSSAEIAL IKDEX

PRINCIPAL CONTRACTIONS.

o. — adjective, ace. *= accusative, adv. = adverb, adv. Gen. =
adverbial Genitive. AF. = Anglo-Norman French, cf. = confer,
compare, con;'. •= conjunction, dat. = dative, dim. = diminutive.
F. = French. G. = German. Gk.= Greek. Icel. = Icelandic,
in*. = interjection. Ital. — Italian. L. -= Latin. MDu. = Middle
Dutch. ME. = Middle English. MHG. - Middle High German.
MLG. = Middle Low German. Mod. Eng. = Modern English.
OE. = Old English (Anglo-Saxon). OF. = Old French. OHG. =
Old High German. OLG. = Old Low German. ON. = Old Norse.
part. = participle, pi. = plural. ppl. a. — participial adjective.
prep. = preposition, pron. «= pronoun, q. v. = quod vide, which see.
sb. = substantive, v. = verb. vbl. sb. = verbal substantive.

Proper names invented by More (or Robynson) are dis
tinguished by *.

A, a. one, 20. 34. OE. an,

numeral and article ; ME.

an, on, a.
A, prep, in, on. A Goddes

name, in God's name, 19.

14, 141.37. A beggynge,

on begging, 18. 13. OE. on,

prep. ; ME. on, o, a.
Abhor from, v. dislike, shrink

from, 115. 10. L. ab, from ;

horrere, to dread.
Able, v. enable, empower,

39. 3. From Able, a. OF.

habit ; L. habilis.
* Abraxa, 49. 26.
Abrode, adv. abroad, 17. 34.

OE. on, prep. + brad, a. broad.
Abunde, r. abound, 142. 4.

ME. abunden, abounden ; L.

dbunddre, to overflow, ab,
from, away + unda, wave.
Accorded, ppl. a. come to an
agreement, 109. 16. OF. a-
corder, to agree ; late L. accor-
dare, from cor, cordis, heart.

* Achoriens, the, 33. 8, 9.
Acquyte, v. requite, 140. 22.

Late L. acquitdre, to appease,
satisfy.

* Ademus, 63. 32.

Aduance, auaunce, v. exalt,
79.20, 105.5, 132.27. OF.
avancer ; late L. abanteare
(ab, away, ante, before), to
go forward ; d inserted from
mistaken derivation from
L. prefix ad.

Aduauncemente, sb. further
ance, advancement, 103. 31.

Aduentures, auenturea, sb. ; at

256

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

al a., 56. 3, 127. 2, haphazard,
at random. OF. aventure, a
chance occurrence. Also
with a changed to ad after
L. adventura.

Aduisement, sb. consideration,
deliberation, 109. 19. OF.
avisement, from aviser, v. ;
late L. advlf&re.

Aduoutrye, sb. adultery, 104.
14. OF. avoutrie, with ad-
tor a- after L. adulleriurn.

Aduoyded, v. avoided,
shunned, 102. 15. For
Avoid, OF. esvuidier, from es,
(L. ex, out) and. vuidier, to
empty ; ad- for a-, as in prec.

Aferd, aferde, ppl. a. afraid,
frightened, 22. 13, 128. 12,
135. 19, 143. 25. OE. a,
intensitive prefix, + past
part, of fteran, to frighten.
Of. dialectal afeared.

Affectioned, ppl. a. disposed,
inclined, 129. 32. From
Affection, v. F. affectionner ;
from L. affectio (-onem), dis
position.

Affiaunce, sb. confidence, re
liance, 129. 13. OF. afiance,
cf. after, to trust ; L. ad +
fidere.

Aglette, sb. hanging ornament,
pendant, properly a tag, 79.
ii. OF. aiyuillette, dim. of
aiguille, needle, late L.
acucula, for acicula, dim. of
acus, needle.

A goo, adv. ago, 31. 33. Past
part, of OE. agun, to go away ;
ME. ago(n).

Agreable (to), a. in keeping
with, consonant with, 77.
1 8. OF. agreable, from a gre,
favourably ; L. ad gratum,
neut. of gratus, pleasant.

* Alaopolitanes, 111. 4, 7, 15, 19.

Aldus Manutius, 96. 29, 97. 25.

Allow, a lowe, r. praise,
approve, sanction, 22. 38,
31. 12, 39. 20, 95. 22. OF.
alouer ; L. allaudare, to praise.
Cf. allow from L. allocare, to
assign, allow.

All togethers, adv. altogether,
12-3. 21. OE. togcedre, to
gether, with intensitive
prefix all. and adv. suffix -5,
as if an adv. Gen.

Allyaunte, ppl. a. allied, akin,
96. 7. Pres. part, of ally ; L.
ad + ligare, to bind.

* Amaurote, city of, 50. 14, 53. 8,

13, 74. 24.

* Amaurotians, 54. 18.
Ambre, sb. amber, 56. 19.

Oyle or ambre, probably for
' oil of amber ' obtained by
distillation of the resin. F.
ambre ; Arab, anbar, amber
gris, extended by confusion
to the yellow amber.

Amerike, see Vespucci.

Amityes, sb. friendships, i. e.
favourable conjunctions, 82.
31 (with reference to the
relative positions of the
planets). F. amitie; late L.
amicitas, friendship.

Amonge, amonges, prep.
among, amongst, 5. 8, 44.
12. OE. on gemonge, in the
throng, shortened to on-
nionge, amonge, and used as
a prep. Also with adv.
Gen. -s, corrupted later to
-st, cf. against.

An. conj. and, 33. 14, 125. 16.
Weakened form of And.

* Anemolians, 78. 22, 33.
Angerlye, adv. angrily, 87. 27.

ME. angerlich, a. or adv. ;
ON. angrligr from angr, grief,
anger. Mod. Eng. remodelled
on Angry.
Antwerp, 2. 12, 1 6.

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

257

*Anyder, river, 53. 17, 20, 54. 16.
Appayre, v. to injure, weaken,

impair, 13. 25, 91. 38. OF.

«m-, am-peirer ; L. pejordre, to

make worse ; ME. am-, an-,

ap-payren.
Applye, v. ply, practise, 60. 15.

OF. aplier ; L. applicare, to

apply to.
Appoynt. v. plan, arrange, 54.

35. OF. apointer ; late L.

appunctare, to prick, mark

•with a point.
Aragon, King of, 32. 10.
Archedolte, sb. arch-dullard,

chief of fools, 14. 21. ME.

dolte, related to OE. dol, dull.
Aristophanes, 96. 28.
Aristotle, 96. 17.
Artyfycers, sb. handycrafts-

men, 60. 22.
Asmuche as, conj. so much as,

26. 5. OE. eallsicd . . . eattswa •

ME. alse . . . alse, as . . .as,

often combined with OE.

swd, ME. so.
Assay, c. try, practise, 97. 36.

OF. essai, assai, a trial ; L.

exagium, trial of weight.
Assentacion, sb. assenting,

agreeing, 9. 37. L. assentatio

(-onem), from asscntdri, to

assent.
Aswell, adv. as much, in a like

degree, 46. g.
Attayntede, ppl. a. convicted,

found guilty, 23. 15, six
teenth-cent, form for older

Attaint. OF. ateint, from altein-

dre, to accuse, convict ; L.

atiingere, to hit.
Auale, v. lower, debase, 108.

31, 127. 7. OF. avaler, to let

descend, from aval, down ;

L. ad + vallem, to the valley.
Auaunce, v. 105. 5, 132. 27.

See Aduance.
Auaunce, auuance, t>. boast,

vaunt oneself, 19. 9, 108. 28.
A contamination of avaunt,
OF. avanter (late L. vdnildre,
to boast) with avaunce, OF.
avancer. See Aduance.

Auaunte, v. boast, vaunt,
112. 16. See Auaunce.

Auentures, sb. chances,
hazards, 120. 9, 127. 2. See
Aduentures.

Auncetours, si. ancestors,
progenitors, 10. 17, 87. 37,
88. a, 105. 17. OF. ancestre ;
L. antecessor, a foregoer,
predecessor ; ME. ancetre,
aunceter, dialectal anceter,
anster ; remodelled in six
teenth cent, on F. auncestre
+ L. suffix -or.

Auncyetnes, sb. Error for
Auncyentnes, ancientness,
antiquity, 46. 15. From
Ancient, OF. ancien ; L.
antidnus.

Aunswere to, v. answer
meet, rebut, 19. 34. OE.
andswarian with Dat. ; hence
in ME. with to; Cf. F.
repondre a.

Aunters. See In aunters.

Auoutrers, sb. adulterers, 103.
ii. See Aduoutrye.

Avaleth, r. 108. 31. See Auale.

Avayleable, a. available, ser
viceable, 15. 25. From Avail,
v. new formation for vail, F.
valoir, to be worth ; L. valSre.

A-worke, 17. 5. On work, i. e.
to work. A weakened form
of On.

Ayer, sb. variant of Air, 94.
35> 36. OF. air ; L. aer.

Bandes, sb. bonds, fetters, 99.
17. Same word as Bond ;
both from Icel. band.

258

GLOSSAEIAL INDEX

Bankettes, sb. banquets, 72. 15.
OP. banquet, feast, dim. of
bane, from G. bank, bench.

* Barsancs, 63. 31.

Be, prep by, 38. 6, 16, 84. i.
Weak form of By. OE. bl.

Be it, v. imper. let it be so,
47. 25.

Be to seke. Be to be sought
i. e. be wanting, 110. 10.

Beareth all the stroke, 43. 10,
all the swing, 62. 24 ; has
the chief power, is reckoned
as the most important
thing. Cf. To have the blow
or swing, to have the power.

Beastelye, a. bestial, pertain
ing to beasts, 110. a. OF.
beste ; L. bestia ; ME. suffix
-lich, -ly.

Beck, sb. gesture, sign, 29. 35.
From Beck, v. shortened
form of Becken, from OE.
beacn, sb. sign.

Beggerlye, adv. in beggarly
fashion, 43. 20. From Beggar,
OF. begard ; late L. begardus,
one of the order of lay
mendicants.

Behalfe, in thys. On, in be
half of this, 25. 9. A con
fusion of two constructions ;
on his halve, and bi halve him,
on, by his side.

Behate, v. hate, dislike, 37. 26.
OE. hdtian, to hate, made
transitive by prefix be-.

Bende, s6. band, troop, 118. 31.
From confusion of Band,
OF. bande, a company, with
Band, Icel. band, bond,
fetter ; and further with
Bend, OE. bende, bond.

Bente, ppl. a. inclined, prone,
60. i. Past part, of Bend ;
OE. bendan.

Bethinkynge hymselfe, v. refl.
reflecting, calling to mind,

47. 34. OE. befiencan, call to
mind, used reflexively.

Bewray, v. betray, expose, 22.
7. OE. bi + ivregan, to ac
cuse, denounce.

Bicause, bycause that, con/.
because, by reason that, 40.
19, 58. 16, 64. 3. ME. M (be,
by), prep., cause, sb., L. causa.

Blackheath, defeat of Cornish
rebels at, (1547), 10.33,
12. 32.

Blesse, sb. bliss, joy, 128. 5.
Confusion of Bliss, v. to
make glad, OE. blifisian, with
Bless, OE. bletsian.

Bloodis, sb. persons of gentle
blood, 18. 13. OE., ME.
blod, with Northern pi. -is.

Bonden men, sb. bondsmen,
serfs, 50. 35. For Bonde-men,
representing OE. bonda,
bondsman. Bonde wrongly
regarded as a strong past
part, in -en.

Borderours, sb. those dwelling
on their borders, next neigh
bours, 23. 14.

Brabant, 31. 32.

Brabling, sb. contention, 141.
1 7. From Brabble, to quarrel ;
cf. Du. brabbelen, to stammer.

Breed, sb. breeding, 115. 15.
From Breed, v. OE. bredan,
a derivative of the usual sb.
brod (Mod. Eng. brood).

Bretherne, sb. brethren, 28.
15. ME. breferen ; OE.
brewer, pL of broker, with
weak pi. ending -en.

Erode, a. broad, wide, 53. 24.
Brodest, superl. 48. 12. OE.
brad ; ME. brod.

Bronte, brunt, sb. brunt, first
rush or attack, 118. 7. So-
deyne brunte, 51. 36, a
sudden rush or exertion.
(Origin unknown.)

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

259

Brouches, sb. brooch, trinket,

properly a pin, 78. 17. OF.

broche, spit ; late L. brocca,

pointed stick.

Bruges, 1. 26. Harcgrave of, 1. 29.
Brussels, 2. g.
Bryde, bryed, c. breed, rear,

51. 22, 52. 14. Variants of

Breed ; OE. bredan.
Burgundy, 31. 32.
* Buthrescas, 131. 3.
By and by, adv. straightway,

57. 26. OE. bl, prep, by,

7»ence close at hand, at once ;

cf. similar change to future

time in presently.
Bycause that, conj. 40. 19, 58.

16. See Bicause.
Bye, v. buy, purchase, 17. 34,

18.36, 112.15. OE. bycgan,

to buy ; ME. bien, buyen.
By lowe, adv. below, 108. 34.

OE. bl, by ; Icel. Idgr, low.
By lyke, adv. belike, probably,

19. 38. By, prep. + like, a. or

8b.

Calicut, Calyquit, 4. 26.

Call agayne, v. recall, revive,

38. 18.
Cannellis, sb. channels, 54. 24.

OF. chanel, canel ; L. canalis,

a channel. Northern pi. -is.
Cappe of maintenaunce, 105.

27. See Note.
Careful, a. full of care, anxious,

92. 35. OE. caru, anxiety,

sorrow.
Carfully, adv. sorrowfully,

128. 8.
Carke, v. to be anxious, to

trouble, 85. 23. North. F.

carkier', late L. carricdre, to

load.
Carpente. sb. carpenter, 59. 16.

AF. suffix -er confused with

Eng. agent suffixes -er, -e
(OE. -cere, -a).

Carthaginians, 14. 34.

Cast, v. to find guilty, convict,
condemn, 27. 2. Figurative
use of Cast, v. to throw, over
throw. ON. kasta.

Castile, King of, 1. 9, 32. 14.

Cauillation, s6. quibble, objec
tion, 108. 16. OF. cavilladon ;
L. cavilldn, to wrangle, object.

Cautell, sb. precaution, device,
93. 36. OF. cautele, cunning ;
L. cautela.

Celenes (Celaenos], 7. 4.

Chaffare, chaffayre, sb. trade,
traffic, 5. 38, 39. 8. OE. ceap,
bargain, faru, dealing ; ME.
chapfare, chaffare.

Chardge, sb. expense, 64. 8, 14.
OF. charge, burden ; late
L. carricum, load (of a car).

Charles, King of Castile, 1. 9.

Charye, a. careful, 101. 28.
OE. cearig, full of care.

Chastyce, t;. chastise, correct,
24. 15, for older Chasty; L.
castigdre.

Chaurice, v. to come by chance,
to happen (to come) into, 42.
28. From Chaunce, sb. ; late
L. cadentia.

Chaungeable coloures, 79. 5,
136. 17, changing or shot
colours. Cf. Shakesp. Twelfth
Night, ii. 4. 76 ' Changeable
taffeta.'

Cherissing, sb. care, tending,
45. 8. From pres. part, of
F. cherir, to cherish ; from
F. cher, L. carus, dear.

Chesse, sb. the game of chess,
61. 20. OF. escltes, pi. of eschec,
check ; from Persian shah,
king.

Cheualry, sb. military art,
knightly exercises, 9. 25, 138.
15, 143. 12. OF. chevalerie ; r

8 2

260

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

from L. caballarius, horse
man.

Cheuse, chewse, chuose, v.
choose. Variant spellings
of Chuse, OE. closan, ME.
chSsen, chosen, chusen.

Christen, o. Christian, 41. 31.
OE. cristen.

Chueseth, v. 37. 6. See Cheuse.

Church, our Lady's, at Antwerp,
3. 2.

Chyldren, sb. persons, people,
106. 13. OE. cildru, pi. +
weak pi. -en. Used in ME.
in a general sense. Cf.
Psalm cxliv (A.V.), 7, n
' strange children.'

Cicero, 3. 37.

Circumstaunce, sb. circum
stantiality of detail, circum
locution, 106. 8. (Without
indef. art., of. 'To use great
circumstance of woordes, to
goe aboute the bushe.'
Baret's Alvearie, 1580.) L.
cj'rcwwsfantta,standiiig round,
environment.

Circutnuertion, sb. Error for
Circumvention, overreaching,
malicious device or strata
gem, 106. 13. L. circumvenire,
to encompass, ' get round.'

Cleane, a. pure, unadulterated,
52. 8. Cleane contrarye, 39.

25, 40. 34, the very opposite.
OE. dizne, clear, pure.

Cloke, sb. cloak, covering, 74.

ii. Late L. cloca, a bell,

also a bell-shaped cape.
Coliars, sb. colliers, 140. 14.

OE. col, coal, with Romanic

suffix -ier.
Come to their handes, fall to

their lot, reach them, 1 17. 35.
Commen, a. public, general,

23. 36. Common boxe, 75.

26, public chest. L. com-
•nunis.

Commen, see Man in, 82. ai.
See Note.

Commeth in, v. contracts,
draws together, 48. 15.

Commoditie, sb. comfort, con
venience, 8. 22, 56. 19, 63.
37, 71.34, 140.36. L. com-
moditas, from commodus, fit,
suitable.

Commodye, sb. comedy, 40. 3.
L. comcedia.

Common boxe. See Commen.

Communicate, ppl. a. commu
nicated, granted, 132. 35.
L. communicatus, past part, of
communicare.

Communycatyon, sb. speech,
converse, 2. 33 ; conversa
tion, personal intercourse,
11. 8, 72. i ; discourse, 143.
39. L. communicatio (-onem),
action of communicating.

Concelour, sb. concealer, hider,
26. 10. AF. concelour, from
conceler, to conceal.

Conceytes, sb. skilfully or fan
tastically devised dishes,
72. 15. From Conceive, OF.
concevoir ; cf. deceit from de
ceive.

Condition, -dytyon, sb. con.
duct, behaviour, 25. ai, 105.
6. L. condicio (-onem), com
pact, a'so situation, nature,
manner.

Conductyon, sb. conduct, man
agement, 116. 33. From L.
conductus, past part, of con-
ducere, to lead.

Conscience, sb. consciousness,
86. 12, 92. 24. According to
conscience, i. e. just, 75, 31.
L. conscientia.

Consecrate, ppl. a. consecrated,
131. 19, 132. 33. L. conse-
crdtus, past part, of consecrart
(con + sacrart}.

Constitucions, &b. decree, or-

GLOSSAEIAL INDEX

261

dinance, 21. 4, 14. L. con-
stitutio (-onem), that which is
constituted or established.

Constitute, ppl. a. constituted,
established, 85. 36. L. con-
stitulus, past part, of constituere,
to make to stand together.

Conuersation, sb. intercourse,
66. 2. Late L. conversdtio-nem ;
from convcrsari, to live with.

Conuict, conuycte, ppl. a. con
victed, proved guilty, 22. a,
24. L. cottwtas, past part, of
convincere.

Cormaraunte, sb. cormorant,
an insatiably greedy person,
16. 19. OF. cormoran, cor-
maran, corruption of L.
corvus marinus, sea- raven ;
ME. corruption of -an to -ant.

Coueyne, couyne, sb. fraud,
deceit, 16.23, HI- 24, 114.
2. Late L. convenium, a
coming together, henct with
treacherous intent.

Counteruaile, counteruayle, v.
to counterbalance, be equi
valent to in value, 20. 22,
136. 23. AF. countrevaloir ;
L. contra valcre, to be of worth
against.

Courage, currage, sb. disposi
tion, temper, 14. 2, 36. 37 ;
spirits, 80. 18. OF. cor age,
curage ; L. *coraticum (cor,
heart).

Course, a. coarse, 87. 19, 24.
Earlier form of Coarse, ap
parently from course, sb. de
noting anything usual or
ordinary, as in phrases In,
Of course.

Cowardenes, sb. cowardice, 117.
10, 19. OF. couard, coward;
OE. suffix -ness.

Cowardyshe, a. cowardly, 114.
5. OF. couard; OE. suffix

Coytes, sb. quoits, 18. 28. ME.

coite, quoite.
Cracke, v. brag, boast, 15. 4,

112. 22. OE. cracian, to make

a cracking noise.
Crassus, 36. 22.
Credence, sb. belief, 75. 21.

L. credentia (credo, I believe).
Cummeth of, v. proceeds from,

is caused by, 55. 20.
Cunnyng, a. wise, knowing,

69.22. Pres. part, of ME.

cunnen, to know ; OE. cunnan.
Cure, v. care for, tend, 69. 8.

L. curare, to care for, from

cura, care.
Currage, sb. 14. 2, 80. 18. See

Courage.
Customablie, customablye, adv.

customarily, usually, 4. 16,

36, 61. 16. From Custom, sb.,

OF. coustume, from shortened

form of L. consuetude, custom.
*Cynemernes, 134. 4.
Cyuyle philosophy, 39. 35.

That which is adapted to the

public life of the community,

politic. L. cmlis, belonging

to citizens.

D

Damned, ppl. a. condemned,
sentenced, 24. 9. L. dam-
nare, to condemn.

Dasell, «. dazzle, 79.3. Earlier
form of Dazzle, a frequenta
tive and dim. of Daze ; ME.
dasen, of Norse origin.

Daunger, sb. jurisdiction,
power, 21. 16, 81. 14. In her
daunger, 94. 18, in her
power. OF. dangier ; late L.
*dominarium from dominium,
lordship.

Decrey, v. decree, appoint, 25.
2, from Decree, sb. : see next.

Decry e, sb. decree, 125. 34,

262

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

126. rr. ME. variant of
Deere, decrey ; L. dScrSfum, the
thing decreed.

Dedicate, ppl. a. dedicated,
132. 22. L. dedicatus, past
part, of dedicdre, to devote.

Defenced, ppl. a. defended,
protected, fortified, 49. 19,
143. i. From L. defensus,
past part, of defendere, to
defend.

Delectacion,-ntyon, sb. delight,
pleasure, 11. 15, 87. 4. L.
delectdtio (-onem), action of
delighting.

Delete, sb. delight, pleasure,
Sl.ig. Variant of Delite.

Delite,-yte.sb.delight,pleasure,
9. 24, 11. 9, 136. 5. From
the verb. See Delyte, v.

Del vote, sb. delight, 83. 29.
The c was apparently after
L. delectdre : see next.

Delyte, v. refl. to take pleasure,
gratify oneself, 7. 35. ME.
deliten, OF. deliter, L. de
lectdre, to delight. Misspelt
delight in Mod. Eng.

Denounce, v. to declare, pro
claim war, 113. 5. OF. de-
noncer ; L. dtnuntiare, to de
clare.

Deryue, t. obtain, 54. 23. L.
derivare, to drain off water.

Descriue, v. discover, detect,
22. 10, 25. 35. Properly
Descry. From ME. con
fusion of OF. deserter, to
publish, with descrivre to de
scribe.

Deuise, v. say, imagine, 45. 34,
46. 14. OF. deriser; late L.
*divisdre, to divide.

Deuyse, sb. device, purpose,

plan, 58. ii. Late L. dlvisum,

a division, also a device ;

from divider*, to divide.

Differryd, v. deferred, post

poned, 26. 34. L. differre, (i)
to delay, (2) to differ. Mod.
Eng. defer on analogy of delay,
but differ. Northern -yd for
-ed.

Dionysius, 31. 16.

Dioscorides, 96. 26.

Disallow, v. refuse to praise,
disapprove, refuse to accept,
27.9, 30.9. OF. disalower,
desalouer. Cf. Allow.

Diserde, sb. fool, blockhead,
10.12. Apparently from OF.
disour, -eur, & professional
jester, with change of suffix.

Dispatched from, ppl. a. quit,
rid of, delivered from, 28. 23.
Ital. dispacciare ; Span, dts-
pachar ; L. type *dispactiare,
from L. pactus, past part, of
pangere, to fix.

Displeasaunt, a. unpleasant,
disagreeable, 126. 4 ; OF.
desplaisant, pres. part, of
desplaire, to displease.

Disproue, v. disapprove, dis
allow, 28. 31. OF. desprover,
to disprove.

Dissident, a. dissenting from,
41. 37. L. dissidens (-entem)
pres. part, of dissidere, to sit
apart, disagree.

Distribute, ppl. a. distributed,
28. 13. L. distributes, past
part, of distribuere.

Do coste, v. make outlay, incur
expense, 38. 13. Cf. Tindale,
.4ctexxi. 24 ' do cost on them.'

Domesticall, a. domestic, 142.
37. From L. domesticus,
belonging to a household.
Domme, a. dumb, 40. 9. OE.
dumb ; ME. dumb, domb,with
b silent, therefore not always
written.

Dorre, sb. drone, idler, 13. 5.
OE. dora, a humming in
sect.

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

263

Dowt, v. doubt, 22. 18 ; fear,
188.34. OF. douter. Changed
to doubt after L. dubitdre.

Dreuell, sb. menial, drudge,
81.9. Cf. MDu. drevel,
scullion, turnspit.

Drydynge, pres. part, dreading,
139.6. ME. dreden; OE.
drcedan, to dread.

Dyffucultlye, adv. with diffi
culty, 76. 12. From a variant
of Difficult, a.

Dysanulled, t;. abolished, 83.
37. L. annulldre, to bring
to nothing. Prefix dis-
here intensifying the nega
tory force of the verb.

Dyscryue, v. 25. 35. See
Discriue.

Dystyncte, ppl. a. distin
guished, differentiated, 24.
30. L. distinctus, past part,
of distinguere.

Dytty, sb. song, ditty, 137. 14.
OF. dite, poem ; L. diddtum,
from dictdre, to dictate.

E

Earnest, a. serious, 20. 5. OE.

eorneste, from eornust, sb.
Effemynatede, ppl. a. rendered

unmanly, enervated, 15. 16.

Past part, of Effeminate, from

L. effeminatus.
Eftsones, adv. afterwards,

again, 103.22. OE. eft,

again, afterwards ; sone,

soon ; with adv. suffix -s

from the adv. Gen.
Egal, a. equal, 93. n. OF.

egal ; L. aequdlem.
Egerly, adv. zealously, keenly,

111.22. OF. egre ; L. acer,

acrem, sharp, keen.
Egyptians, 46. 29.
Elder, a. older, 101. 2. OE.

ieldra, eldra, mutated com

parative of eald, old. Dis
placed by new form older
from the positive.

Elles, adv. else, otherwise,
28. 20. OE. elles, adv. Gen.

Embrayd, imbrayde, v. up
braid, reproach, 104. 36,
130. 10. OF. em- (L. tin-,
in) ; OE. Iregdan, denoting
sudden movement, as to
weave, brandish ; hence to
attack.

Embrodered, ppl. a. em
broidered. OF. embroder, to
embroider.

Emong,prep. variant of Among.
ME. among, ymong, also
emong. See Amonge.

Emperor, 32. 7.

Enbrace, v. to embrace, wel
come as a friend, H. 17.
OF. embracer ; L. *imbracchiare
from in and bracchia, arms.

Endaunger viito, v. bring
under the jurisdiction of,
35. 31. See Daunger.

Endeuoure, sb. effort, 46. 23.
OF. en, in + deveir, duty,
properly to owe ; L. debSre.

Endeuoure, v. rejl. try, exert
oneself. 34. 21, 40.35, *2-
17, 113. 33. See prec.

Enfamed, infamed, ppl. a. de
famed, branded with infamy,
77. 31, 78. 31. L. infdmare,
to render infamous.

Engines for warre, sb. im
plements, machines, 120. 23.
L. ingenium, an invention.

England, 32. 18, 29.

Englishmen, 15. 33, 32. 19, 35 ;
the western, 10. 34.

Enhaunce, v. increase, aug
ment, 34. 34. AF. enhauncer,
OF. enhaucer, to lift.

Entreat of, v. deal with,
discuss, 78. 24. OF. entraiter,
to treat of ; L. tractdre.

264

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

Espiall, sb. spy, 121.3. OF.

espiaille, the action of spying.
Estymer, sb. estimator, judge,

76. 18. L. aestimdre, to value.
Euel willing, ppl. a. unwilling,

averse, 42. 3. Euel, OE.

yfel, in sense of tm-, not.
Euen verye they, 108. 27 ;

even those very persons.

OF. verai, true.
Euennynge, sb. evening, 60.

18. OE. afnung, from v.

afnian, to become evening.
Euer, adv. always, at all times,

49. 23, 110. 19. OE. &fre.
Euripides, 96. 29.
Europe, 107. 35.

Excommunicate, ppl. a. ex
communicated, 29. 33. L.

excommunicaius, past part, of

excommunicare.
Existimacion, -ymatyon, sb.

estimation, valuation, 10.

10, 58. 24. L. existimdtio

(-onem), estimation.
Exploit, v. perform, achieve,

95. 4. From Exploit, sb.

L. explicitum, that which is

unfolded, ended.
Expresslye pronounced, 137.

20, uttered clearly or with

emphasis ; or possibly, exactly,

according to a set formula.

L. expressus, distinct.

Fabricius, 37. 36.

False, a. faulty, an erroneous

or corrupt version, 96. 5.

L. falsus, false, from fallere,

to deceive.
Falshed, sb. falsehood, 127. 25.

From OF. /ate, with ME.

suffix -hed, denoting quality.
Fantasy, v. to fancy, desire,

60. 4. From Fantasy, sb. ;

late L. phantasia.
Fardell, sb. burden, load, 96.

15. OF. fardel, dim. of

farde, a burden.
Farfurth, ferfurth, adv. far,

far on, 50. 10, 53. 5, 109. 19.

OE. feor, far ; forjt forward,

with u from the compar.

furSor.
Fasion, fassion, -yon, sb.

method, manner, fashion,

19. 22, 66. 6, 67. 4, 73. 28.

OF. fafon ; L. factio (-onem),

fromfacere, to make.
Fauour, sb. countenance, looks,

3. 10. L. favor (-em).
Faute, fawt, sb. fault, 10. 14,

80. 6 ; defect, 64. 19. OF.

faute. Mod. Eng. fault.
Fayne, v. feign, make pretence

of, 35. i ; imagine, invent,

41. 15. OF. feindre (feign-

ant), L. fingere, to form,

feign.
Fearce, a. fierce, spirited, 51.

32. OF. fers, fiers ; Mod. F.

fter ; L. fenis.
Feare from, v. frighten from,

make afraid of, 104. i, 105.

10, 125. 8, 129. 15. OE.

f-eran, to frighten, terrify.
Feate, sb. act, deed, 9. 25, 26 ;

crafts, industries, 97. 20 ;

art, employment, 6. 17, 38. 8.

OF. fait, feit ; L. factum, a

thing done.
Felles, sb. skins, 75. 7. OE.

fell.
Fellones, sb. pi. felons, 11. 37.

OF. felon, a. and sb. ; low

L. fcllon-em.
Ferefull, a. terrible, causing

fear, 105.22. OE. f£r,

sudden danger, fear.
Ferfurth, adv. 53. 5. See Far
furth.
Feruent, a. eager, hot, 118. 31.

L. fervens, pros. part, of
fervSre, to boil.
Fetch about a circuit or com-

GLOSSAEIAL INDEX

265

passe, 48. 16, to describe a
compass, make a circuit, go
round in circular form.

Finifest, 134. 5. See Note.

Flanders, 1. 12, 81.32.

Flickering, a. unstable, wan
dering, 87. 7. OE. Jlicorian,
to flutter.

Fond, a. foolish, silly, 7. 9,
9. 35. Past part, of archaic
v. Fon, to lose savour.

Forbie, forby, prep, beside,
past, 54. 3, ii ; for, adv. and
prep. + by, prep.

Forefrontes, sb. front, fore
shore, 48. 29. OE. fore,
before, OF. front, forehead,
Ij.frons, -tern.

For euer more, adv. per
petually, 59. 22.

Fcrrein, -eyn, a. foreign,
39. i, 67. 26, 37, 133. 5, 143.
4. OF./oram, alien, strange ;
late L. foraneus, belonging
to outside ; g inserted as in
sovereign from false analogy
with reign.

Forsake, c. I forsake God,
139. 1 8. A form of oath
representing L. dispeream.
Lit. I deny, renounce. OE.
forsacan.

Forsene, ppl. a. provided, 135.
32. A literal translation
of L. prcvidere.

Forstalle, v. to intercept goods
before the market, to buy
up in order to obtain a
monopoly, 18. 37. From OE.
foresteall, sb. intercepting,
plot.

For whie, why, wherefore,
65. 26. ME. for whi ; cf. OE.
to hwy; hwy, instr. of hwcet,
what.

Foynes, sb. thrusts, 120. 22.
OF. foine, an eel-spear ; L.
fuscina, trident.

France, 12. 33, 14. 14, 83. 3,

34. 1 8.

Franckely, adv. readily, liber
ally, 75. 9. From Frank, a.

low L. francus, free, from

OHG. franko, a Frank.
Fraye, t\make afraid, frighten,

130. 7. A shortened form

of Affray; OF. effraier, to

frighten.
Freare, sb. friar, 28. 18, 32,

29. 5, 7, ii, 30. ME. frere ;

OF. frere, brother.
French, 14. 32, 15. 2. French

king, 31. 22.
Frie, a. Variant of free, 68. 28.

OE. freo, /no.
Frindes marchauntes, sb.

merchant-friends, friends

who are merchants, 110. 30.

The two nouns in apposition.
Frindes marchaunte men,

111. 32 ; the merchants of

their friends. L. amicorum

negotiatores.
From thens, adv. phr. from

that place, 18. a. OE.

Jxennes, adv. Gen.
Frustate, v. 61. 32. Error for

Frustrate ; from stem of L.
frustrarl, to render vain.
Fugatyue, a. having run

away, 31. 29. L. fugitlvus;

-ative from analogy with
fug-ator, -acious.

Q

Galen's Microtechne, 96. 33.

Gallaunt, -awnte, a. showy,
gorgeous, 23. 10 ; rich,
goodly, 55. 33. OF. galant,
pres. part, of galer, to make
merry.

Gallous, a. fit for the gallows,
villainous, wicked, 29. 8.
From Gallows, sb. OE. gealga'
ME. galwe, galow, usually pi.

266

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

Gallymalfreye, sb. medley,
hotchpotch, 40. xa. OF.
galimafree.

Garnishing, sb. adornment,
furnishing, 55. 33, 65. 32.
From Garnish, v. ; OF. garnir
(garniss-anf), to fortify, gar
nish ; OHG. warnon.

Gather boldenes, gain heart,
pluck up courage, 33. 30.

Gawl, sb. to hit on the gawl,
to touch on a sore or tender
point, 28. 34. OE. gealla,
a gall or sore on a horse.

Geaste wyse, adv. guest-wise, in
manner of a guest, 7. 29. OE.
giest, guest ; wise, manner.

Geer, sb. gear, tackle, stuff,
98. 17 ; trappings, appur
tenances, 136. 10. Icel.
germ, gear, apparel, from gorr,
prepared, past. part, of gora,
gera, to make, prepare.

Gentle, o. of gentle birth,
18. 19. OF. gentil ; L.
genfilis, from gens, race,
family. Confused with adj.
in -ly.

Germaneynes, sb. Germans,
32. 5. L. Germanus ; ME.
Germayne, Germanys.

Geue, v. as my mynde geueth
me, 43. 10, imparts (to),
teaches, directs, moves.

Gieste, v. jest, 50. 3. From
Jest, sb. ; OF. geste, tale,
romance ; L. rBs gesta, a
thing done.

Giles, Peter, of Antwerp, 2. 15,
3. 7, 4. 30, 7. 30, 46. 6, 47.

3o-
Gladlier, adv. more gladly,

47. 21. Compar. of Gladly ;

OE. glcedRc.
Gode wote, int. God knows,

35. 7. OE. wat, he knows ;

from witan, to know.
Godlye, adv. in godly fashion,

piously, 99. 20. OE. God, sb.

+ adv. suffix -lice.
Goo to, int. go to ! come !

81. 22. Cf. L. age.
Gown, sb. garment, 87. 12.

OF. goune, a loose robe ;

mediaeval L. gunna, a gar
ment of fur.
Gramercye, for. For nothing,

literally for thanks, 99. 15.

OF. grand, great ; merci,

thanks.
Greeks, 96. 9.
Greued, ppl. a. troubled, bored,

71. 38. F. grever ; L. gravare,

to burden.
Greyffes, sb. griefs, 92. 35.

OF. grief, gref.
Griblye, a. terrible, 28. 20.

From Grise, v.; OE. &grisan,

to shudder.
Grosser, a. plainer, simpler,

106. 17. Compar. of Gross ;

L. grossus, fat, thick.
Ground upon, v. take as one's

basis, take one's stand on,

130. 37. From OE. grund,

sb. ground.

*Gulike, country of, 4. 13, 5. 5.
*Gulikians, 4. 24.
Guyse, sb. way, manner, 76. 16.

OF. guise, from OHG. wlsa,

way, manner.
Gyaunte, sb. giant, 82. 23. OF.

geant, geiant ; ME. geant ;

L. gigantem.
Gyell, sb. guile, 85. 36. ME.

gile, gyle ; OF. guile.
Gyues, sb. fetters, shackles.

23. 26. ME. give, fetters,

specially for the legs.

H

Habilitye, sb. ability, capacity,
9. 20. Be in habylyte, 8. 2,
be able to. OF. abkte,
habilite; L. habilitdtem. L.

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

267

initial h common in six
teenth cent., but probably
silent.

Handsome, a. manngeable,
convenient, fit, adapted,
120. 14, 30. From Hand, v.
to handle, manage.

Handy, a. belonging to the
hands, mechanical, 63. 27.
A new formation from Hand
in place of OE. hendig.

Handycraft, sb, handicraft,
18. 20. For Handcraft, re
modelled on hand-ywork,
OE. hondgeweorc.

Hapt, ppl.a. wrapped, covered,
65. 12. Past part, of Hap, v.
to cover, perh. from Norse.

Hard, harde, v. pret. and part.
heard, 21. 32, 34. 27, 46. 25,
95. 20, 124. 15, 134. 22. OE.
hieran, past part, gehiered ;
ME. heren, herd, hard. Cf.
influence of r + consonant on
pronunciation of e in clerk,
Derby.

Hardenes, sb. hardship, 16.23.
OE. heartiness, hardness. For
sense cf. hardship.

Hardynes, sb. hardihood, bold
ness, daring, 6. 25. From OF.
hardi, a. with OE. suffix
-ness.

Harneis, sb. armour, 120. 8,
13. 1 8. OF. harneis.

Hastie to, a. eager, precipitate,
20. 38. OF. hastif, pi. hastis,
whence a new sg. hasti.

Hawte, o. haughty, 105. 22.
In fifteenth cent., haute, from
F. haut-e, high, L. alt-us : later
haught ; with gh from ana
logy with native words, cf.
delight for delite.

Haylse, r. greet, salute, 4.
35. ON. heilsa, to greet,
hail.

Heare, sb. hair. Of one heare,

by one hair, 88. 5. OE. her,
hair ; ME. heer, hear, haire.

Hedlonges, adv. headlong, pre
cipitately, 41. 26. ME.
heuedlinges; OE. heafod, head,
with adv. suffix -linga, lunga,
corrupted from analogy with.
long, and addit. suffix -s from
adv. Gen.

Helizeus (Elisha"), 29. 16, 28.

Helpes, sb. remedies, aids, 100.
9. OE. help, sb.

Henry VIII, 1. a.

Herodian, 96. 31.

Herodotus, 96. 31.

Hesychius, 96. 25.

Hippocrates, 96. 33.

Hole, a. whole, 120. 7. OE.
ha!, whole ; Mod. Eng. has
a dialectal spelling with wh.

Holsom, a. wholesome, 5. 21.
OE hcil, whole, + suffix -sum ;
ME. hglsurn, -som. See prec.

Holy, adv. wholly, utterly, 44.
30. From prec. +-ly, OE.
-lice.

Homely, a. and adv. plain,
simple, 64. 33 ; in homely
fashion, plainly, simply, 3.
9, 64. 30.

Homer, 96. 29.

Honest, a. honourable, 89.29.
L. honestus, honourable.

Houses, «b. households, 18.
10.

Howke, t>. to hook or drag
one in against his will, 32.
13. From Hook, sb. ; OE.
hoc.

Howke, sb. by howke or crook,
16. 26, by any device, by
fair means or foul. A com
mon phrase from the six
teenth cent, on, of doubtful
origin.

Hundreth, a. hundred, 121.
26. OE. hundred corrupted
by Icel. hundraS.

268

GLOSSAEIAL INDEX

Hurley-burley, hurlie-burlie,
sb. tumult, confusion, 34.
13, 37. 23. OF. hurlee, howl
ing, from hurler ; L. ululdre,
to howl. Burly, a reduplica
tion of hurty.

Husbande, v. till, cultivate,
tend as a husbandman, 94.
37. From Husband, sb. ; see
next.

Husbandes, sb. tenders, hus
bandmen, 50. 28. OE, Ms-
bbnda, one dwelling in a
house, the master of the
house.

*Hythloday, Raphael, 1.3, 8.30,
4.34, 7.21,47.3!.

I, J

lauell, sb. a rascal, a worthless
fellow, 28. 37. ME. iavelle.

leopardye, Ioperdie,sb. hazard,
danger, 6. 23, 10. u, 22. i,
II. OF. jeu parti ; L. jocus
partttus, a divided game,
hence uncertainty, hazard.

leoperdous, a. dangerous, haz
ardous, 49. 2. From prec.

lette, v. strut, swagger, 13. 34.
OF. jetter, to throw ; L. jac-
tare. Meaning influenced by
L. jactari, to boast, strut.

Ight, a. eighth, 1. a. OE.
eahtoSa ; ME. eighthe, ighthe.

Ilande, sb. island, 48. u. OE.
igland (tg, island, + land) ;
ME. Hand. Mod. isl- from
analogy with isle.

Imbrayde, t>. 104. 36. See Em-
brayd.

Impery, sb. empire, 46. 33. L.
imperium, empire.

Importunate, a. unseasonable,
troublesome, 18. 8. L. im-
portunus, + suffix -ate.

Importune, a. importunate,
4. 10. L. importunus.

Imprint letters, v. print in type,
97. 34. From OF. empreinte,
sb. a stamp, print ; past part,
fern, of emprcindre, L. impri-
mere, to impress. Hence
the Mod. Eng. shortened
form print.

Imprintyng, sb. printing, 97.
23. See Imprint, v.

Improue, v. disapprove, dis
allow, 29. 9. L. improbare,
to condemn, disapprove,
from imprabus, bad.

Impudency, sb. effrontery, in
solence, 11. 14. L. impu-
dentia, shamelessness.

In awnters, in case, properly
in the adventure, 32. 24.
F. en aventure.

Incommoditie. sb. inconveni
ence, discomfort, 17. 37, 85.
29, 103. 33, 112. 2. L. in-
commoditas. See Commoditie.

Incommodj'ous, a. uncomfort
able, 23.34. In + Med. L.
commodiosiis.

Incontinent, incontynente,
adv. immediately, forthwith,
13. 16, 19. 29, 3*0. 10, 32. 25,
et passim. F. incontinent ; L.
in continents, in continuous
time, without break.

Indifferent, indyfferente, a.
moderate, reasonable, just,
27. 25, 76. 18, 133. 31. L.
indifferens(-entem), ofmedium
quality.

Infamed, ppl. a. 77. 31. See
Enfamed.

Ingrosse, v. to monopolize, buy
up the whole market, 18.37.
From the phrase In gross ; F.
en gros, in the lump, whole
sale.

Iniurie, sb. injury, hurt, 20.
27. L. injilria, wrong, hurt.

Inordinate, a. excessive, un
controlled, 44. 33. L. inor-

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

269

dindtus, from ordindre, to

order.
Insensibilitie, sb. absence of

feeling, 92.15. Late L. in-

sensibilitas, the condition of

being insensible.
Institute, ppl. a. established,

constituted, 105. 32. L. m-

stitutus, past part, of instituere,

to establish.
Instructe, ppl. a. instructed,

taught, 59. 5, 81. 30, 105.

31. L. instructus, past part, of
instmere, to instruct (strutre,
to build).

Instrumentes, documents, 75.

32. L. instrumentum, instru
ment, tool ; from instruere.

Into, prep, among, 49. 38. OE.
into, in, into, among.

Intreataunce, sb. entreaty, in
tercession, 4. 9. From OF.
entraiter • L. in + fracture, to
treat, handle.

Intreate, v. See Entreat.

Inuade, v. attack, makewaron,
118. 34. L. incadere ; in, in,
+ vadere, to go.

Inuehyng, pres. part, inveigh
ing, sailing, 126. i. L. in +
vehere, to carry, bear.

Inuisibly, a. for invisible,
128. 38. L. invlsibilis, that
cannot be seen.

Inurede, ppl. a. accustomed,
exercised, practised, 15. 3,

33. 27, 97. 18. L. in, in +
ure, to exercise, use.

lonckettes, sb. junkets, sweet
meats, delicacies, 72. 15.
Ital. giuncata, a kind of
cream-cheese, so-called be
cause served on rushes. (L.
juncus, rush.)

Italy, 31. 31, 33. a.

Juger, sb. arbiter, judge, 131.
si. Agent from v. Judge ;
F. juger, L. judicare.

K

Kendle, v. kindle, 84. 23. ME.
kindlen ; ON. kynda, to
kindle.

King, the (of England}, 11. 23.

Kinrede, sb. kindred, members
of the same family or race,
66. 8. OE. cyn, kin, + suffix
-rtfden, state, condition.
Mod. Eng. has excrescent d.

Kipe, kype, v. keep, maintain,
14. 19, 140. 38. OE. cepan ;
ME. kepe, also kip, possibly
influenced by ME. kip, to
seize. (ON. kippa.)

Knowledge, v. acknowledge,
53. 9, 93. 17, 137. 24. ME.
knowlechen, v. from know +
vbl. suffix -lechen, OE. liecan.
Hence Mod. Eng. acknowledge.

Kyele, sb. keel. Kydged
Kyeles, 6. n, keels project
ing below the bottoms of the
vessels. Icel. kjolr, keel.

Kyll, v. kylleth them vp, 140. 3,
kills them off. Cf. Shakesp.
As You Like II, ii. i. 62 < Kill
them up.'

Laborsome, laboursome, a.
laborious, toilsome, 46. 23,
59.30, 70.ii. OF. labour,
L. labor, + OE. suffix -sum.

Laestrygones (Lestrygones"), 7. 4.

Landed, a. having land, land
owning, 62. 14. Formed as
if a past part, from Land, sb.

Lascaris, 96. 24.

Lauasse, a. lavish, profuse, 13.
9. OF. lavasse, lavache, sb.
a deluge of rain ; ME. la
vasse, lavesse, sb. and a., later
corrupted to lavish.

Laundes, sb. glades, grassy
plains, 16. 15. OF. lande ;

270

GLOSSAEIAL INDEX

Mod. Eng. (with loss of d),

lawn.
Lay their heddes togither, take

counsel together, 25. 36.
Layde in hys necke, laid to

his charge, at his door, 42.

33-

Leade one's life, 43. 18.

Leage, sb. bond, alliance,
league. 31. 35. Late L. Uga,
from ligare, to bind.

Leaned vnto, v. depended
upon, derived support from,
11. 24. OE. hi ana, n, to lean.

Lease, oonj. lest, 6l. 35. A
form of Less ; OE. Sy Ids tie,
by that the less that, gener
ally shortened to Mod. Eng.
lest.

Leaste, cony', lest, 15. 16. See
Lease.

Leaue, v. to forsake, give up,
20. 14. OE. Icefan.

Leese, leise, v. lose, 37. 25, 88.
31, 111.33; lose, waste, 28.
9. OE. leosan, to lose ; ME.
llsen, losen.

Leffe, sb. 62. 18. Variant of
Life. OE. lif.

Lese, o. less, 113. 25. OE.
Lzssa used as comparative of
lytel.

Let, v. to prevent, hinder, 61.
n, 86. 31, 91. 5. OE. lettan,
to hinder, make late ; from
Icet, a. late.

Lee, lette, sb. hindrance, im
pediment, 20. 6, 23. 9, 59.
23, 104. 19. From the prec.

Lewde, a. ignorant, worthless,
10.28, 90.8, 118.26. OE.
Idwed, ignorant ; properly, be
longing to the laity ; from
L. Idicus, lay.

Licensed, lycensed from, ppl. a.
exempt from, excused, 60.
36, 63. 12. From Licence, L.
licentia, freedom to act.

Licuetenauntes, sb. lieuten
ants, deputies, 121. 28. F.

lieu tenant ; L. locum tenens

(tenentem\ one who takes

another's place.
Lightlye, adv. easily, for any

slight cause, 57. 20. OE.

leohtllce, from leoht, easy,

trifling.
Liqueresse, sb. liquorice, 52. 9.

AF. lycorys ; L. liquiritia,

liquorice.

Logycalles, 82. 17. See Note.
Looke, v. see, 16. a. OE.

locian.
Lores, sb. doctrines, opinions,

94. 26. OE. Idr, learning,

doctrine.
Lubbor, sb. dolt, 80. a. ME.

lobrs ; cf. MDu. lobbe, clown,
Lucian, 96. 27.
Lumpyshe, a. clumsy, stupid,

80. 37. From Lump, sb., cf.

Norw. lump, block ; Dutch

lamp, clumsy.
Lust, v. please, desire, 17. 26,

103. 12. OE. lystan, impera.

to please ; ME. listen, lusten,

pers. or impers.
Lusty e, a. joyful, 130. 23.

From OE. lust, sb. delight,
joy.

Lycensed, 60. 36. See Licensed.
Lyghtly, adv. easily, 55. 35.

See Lightlye.
Lyse, v. lose, 100. 24. Set

Leese.

Lyst, v. desire, please, 127. aa.
See Lust.

M

*Macariens. Hie, 38. 26.
Madder, sb. a plant used in

dyeing, 75. 6. OE. mceddre.
Made away, ppl. a. made away

with, destroyed, 23. 21.
Make nothing to, make no

difference to, 91. 31.

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

271

Make out of the waye, put out
of the way, dispose of, 103.

37-

Maner, sb. Taken with the
maner, 25. 28, caught in the
act. AF. manere ; Ital. ma-
niera, manner, mode of hand
ling (Jj. manus, hand).

Mansleers, sb. manslayers,
killers, 14. 27. From OE.
manslean, to kill, murder,
with agent suffix -er. Cf.
OE. manslaga, man-slayer.

Marcgraue, sb. Mnrgrave, count
or earl of the Marches, 1.
29. Du. markgraaf; mark,
boundary, graaf, a count.

Marchaunte-men, sb. traders,
merchants, 111. 6. OF. mar-
chant, merchant.

Marrish, sb. marsh, swamp,
100. 38. OF. warns, late L.
mariscus from mare, sea.

Marueil, sb. marvel, wonder,
28. 32. F. merveille ; L. mlrd-
bilia, wonderful things.

Master of the Rolls, 1. 16.

Me selfe, pron. myself, 43. 38,
44. 22. OE. me, dative of
pers. pron. + emphatic
pron. self. In ME. often
weakened to miself, and mi
confused with the posses
sive, cf. Mod. Eng. myself.

Meanes, sb. by thys meanes,
24. 17, with the help of this.
PI. form of adj. used as sb.
and treated as singular. AF.
meien, medium, hence aid,
help ; L. medidnus, from me-
dius, middle.

Meate, sb. food, provision, 68.
19. OE. mete, food.

Meerye, a. merry, 130. 23.
OE. myrge, merry; ME. merie,
mirie.

Meesse, sb. a dish, portion,
course, 71. 14. OF. tnes, dish,

course ; L. missum, that

which is sent up.
Merely, adv. gaily, joyfully,

merrily, 128. 22. ME. meri-

liche ; OE. myrig + licet
Methe, sb. mead, a sweet drink

usually made of honey, 52.

8. OE. medu ; cf. ME. forth

for ford.
Middes, myddes, midst, 67. 35.

OE. midd, a. + adv. Gen. -es ;

to middes, in the midst. Cf.

againes, Mod. Eng. against.
Milan, 31. 28.
Mind, sb. to mi mind, 28. 4, to

my taste or liking.
* Mithra, Mythra, 123. 25, 134.

33-

Mitio, 42. 13

Mo, moo, a. more (in number),
more numerous, 34. 3, 65.
n, 83. 16, 105. 37, 108. 15,
124. 32. OE. md, more ; in
Bible of 1611 moe : Ps. xl. 12
'they are moe then the
haires of mine head.'

Morderer, sb. murderer, 21.
37. From OE. myrOrian •
ME. murSren, morOren, with
agent suffix -er (OE. are}.

More, Sir Thomas, 9. 18, 11. a,
30. i, 43. 9.

Morton, Cardinal John, 10. 38,
12. 7, 15. 34, 26. 30, et passim.

Moses, law of, 21. 23.

Moughte-eaten, ppl. a. moth-
eaten, 35. 10. OE. mohSa,
modSe, moth ; ME. moughte,
mothe.

Mouinge, mouynge, sb. move
ment, motion, 82. 25, 97. 16.
120. 15. From Move, v. ; L.
movSre.

Moyles, sb. pi. mules, 34. 6. L.
mulus.

Mulettour, sb. muleteer, mule-
driver, 34. 6. F. muletier,
from mulet, a mule. With

272

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

exchange of suffixes -ier,

-or.

Myddes. See Middes.
Myenes, ab.pl. mines, 22. 28.

From Mine, v., F. miner.
Myke, a. meek, quiet, 15. 36.

Variant of Meek. Icel.

mjukr; ME. meke.
*Mythra. See Jlithra.

N

Namelye, adv. especially, par
ticularly, 61. 3, 137. 27; liter
ally 'by name ' ; OE. nama,
name, + adv. suffix -Uce.

Naples, 31. 29.

Navarre, kingdom of, 32. u.

Neades, nedes, adv. needs, of
necessity, 26. 25, 38. 7. OE.
niedes ; ME. nedes ; adv.
Gen. from rued, sb. need,
necessity.

*Nephelogetes, the, 111. 4, 17, 19.

Nephewes, sb. 139. 10, nephews,
or (possibly) grandsons, cf.
L. nepos which may mean
either. OF. neveu ; L. nepotem,
ace. ; with partial assimila
tion to L. spelling in six
teenth cent.

Nero, 40. 8.

Nether, . . . nor, conj. neither
. . . nor, 74. 12. OE. n« +
cegfier from ceghuxefer, either
of two. Perhaps a misprint
for the usual form Nother.

Newe fanglenes, sb. love of
novelty, 18. 22. See New
fangled.

Newfangled, a. novel, new-
fashioned, 41. 14. ME. newe-
fangel, a. fond of what is
new (OE. *fangol, grasping
after) + suffix -ed, as if a
past part.

Nexte, a. nearest, 103. 6, 106.

37. OE. nshst, superl. of nth,
neah, nigh.

Nigeshe, a. niggardly, 81. 16.
From Icel. hnoggr ; Swed.
njugg, niggardly, with suffix
-ish.

Nother, adv. or conj. neither,
88.15, 136. ii. Nother. . .
nother = neither . . . nor, 63.
33, 85. 34, 94. 24, 29, 100. i.
Nother . . . nor, 9. 20, 25,
47. ii, 63. n, 72. 2, 99. 4, 6.
Alone after a negative = nor,
12. 14, 65. 13, 68. 31, 93. 33,
119. 7, 138. 38. ME. nowSer,
nawSer; OE. nawder from
ndhvxeder, pron. adj. neither
of the two, cf. L. neuter.
Further shortened in ME.
to nor ; ME. adv. use
probably influenced by oSer,
either, or.

Noughte, nowght, sb. nothing,
a thing of no value, 41. 30,
42. 29. OE. nawiht, ndht,
nothing.

Noughtenes, sb. worthlessness,
31. 19, 81. i. From prec.

Noughty, a. worthless, evil,
40. 24. From Nought, see
Noughte.

Noyinge, pres.part. annoying,
harming, 16. 10. Pres. part,
of ME. nuien for anuien, to
annoy ; from OF. anoi, anui,
vexation ; L. in odio, in
hatred.

Noyous, a. harmful, noxious,
15. 29. From OF. anoi, vexa
tion + suffix -ous.

Noysome, a. troublesome,
harmful, 5. 31. ME. noy
for anoy, OF. anoi, vexation,
+ OE. suffix -sum.

Nyggyshe, a. niggardly, 138.
38. See Nigeshe.

Nyse, a. particular, fastidious,
65. 9. OF. nice, foolish,

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

273

simple ; L. nescius, ignorant,
with change of meaning in
ME.

Occupie, occupye, v. use,
employ, trade with, 76. 23,
88. 29, make use of, practise,
60. 10, 115. ii. L. occupare,
to lay hold of.

Occupieng, occupyengo, sb.
use, employment, 88. 26,
143. 17 ; trade, traffic, 39. 8,
111.27; intercourse, dealing,
66. 4. From Occupie, v.

f)f,prep. (i) from, out of (denot
ing the source!, 23. 21, 24. i,
24.5, 81. 26, 89.34, 107. n;
(a) by (denoting the agent),
14. 28, 38, 34. 4, 82. 23, 84.
ao, 89. 20, 21, 131. 36, 137.
23 » (3) with, by, from
(denoting the instrument),
29. 19, 38. 13, 70. 36, 110. 17 ;
of his owne head, 73. 24, of
his own will or motion.
OE. of, prep, of, from, out of.

Of, prep. on. Of both sides, &c. ;
on, 5. 22, 3C. 13, 48. ai, 98.
ao, 133. 12 ; of the contrarye
part, on the other hand,
24. 38, 76. 36, 91. 25 ; of both
sides them, 71. 32, on both
sides of them ; of one heare,
88. 5, by one hair.

Of a child, 30. 24, from child
hood. Cf. Mark ix. 21 < Of
a child.'

Of that, 25. 4, for that, because.

Of, adv. off, 24.22. OE. of,
adv. off, away.

On liue, alive, 116.20. OE.
on life ; on weakened to o, a in
ME.

One, prep, on, 28. 33, 92. 32.
OE. on.

Onely, onlye, adv. alone, 15.

31, 115.23. OE. fin-Re, a.
singular, only.

Ones, adv. once, formerly, 22.
6, 57. 8 ; once, sometime, 143.
33. Adv. use of Gen. of OE.
numeral an. Mod. Eng.
has ce for final voiceless s ;
cf. mice, pence.

Onles, co»y. unless, 43. 14. OE.
on + las, less, hence on lesse
that, on a less supposition
than that.

Onwardnes, sb. advance, pro
gress, 92. 4. From Onward,
adv. ; OE. onweard, against,
toweard, approaching, going
forward.

Openner, sb. revealer, discloser,
26. ii. From OE. openian,
to open, reveal, with agent
suffix are.

Order, v. control, dispose, 25.
16. From F. ordre, sb. order ;
L. ordo, -inem.

Orelles, orels, or else, 9. 32,
15. 14, 20. See Elles.

Other, adv. or conj. either.
Other . . . or = either . . . or,
13. 22, 33. 21, 46. 33, 61. 10,
55. 26. Other ... or els
(else), 30. 28, 52. 7, 58. 6, 10.
33, ... or elles, 31. 20, 100.
ai, 105. 36. ME. ojter . . .
ofier, oj>er ... or ; OE. oSde . . .
odde, with compar. suffix -er,
and shortening to or. Also
strengthened by adv. Els,
elks, q. v.

Ouerlyuing, v. outliving, sur
viving, 100. 13.

Ouerrunned, ppl. a. overrun,
14. 37. ME. runnen ; OE.
urnen, past part, of irnan, to
run ; treated as a weak verb.
Prefix ofer, over.

Ouerseen, ppl. a. having com
mitted an oversight, impru
dent, 58. 26. Active use of

274

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

past part, of Oversee ; OE.
oferseon, overlook.

Ouerthwarte, a. perverse,
cross, 10. 28. Icel./rert, neut.
offoerr, perverse.

Ouer wharte, prep, across,
athwart, transversely across,
71. 12. Dialectal for Over-
thwart, used as adv. and prep.

Owte, adv. out, forth, 126. 25.
The use of the adv. alone to
supply the sense of the vb.
of motion is common in OE.
and ME.

Palinurus, 3. 27.

Parson, sb. person, 27. i. ME.
persone ; L. persona, a mask,
character in a play. ME.
also parsone, with change of
« to a before r + cons. Mod.
Eng. differentiates according
to meaning.

Partein, v. pertain, belong,
27. 16. OF. partenir ; L.
pertintre, to belong.

Partie, partye, sb. the person,
22. 8, 102. 3. OF. partie, a
part, party ; L. partita, fern,
of partltus, divided.

Passe, v. surpass, 87. 21. Late
L. passare, to pass, from
pass MS, step.

Pass for, v. care for, trouble
about, 8. 5, 17. 31, 65. 5, 107.
31, 116. 23, 129. 32. Cf.
Shakesp. 2 Henry VI, iv. a.
156 ' I pass not.'

Payntinges, sb. painting, arti
ficial means, 105. 2. From
ME. peinten, to paint ; OF.
print, past part, of peindre ;
L. pingere.

Penny father, sb. miser, nig
gard, one who hoards his
pence, 81. 16.

Pensifenes, sb. care, anxiety,
118. 14, 139. 4. From Pensive,
OF. pensif; cf. penser, to
think ; L. pensdre, weigh,
ponder.

Performe, v. complete, supply,
74. 28. AF. parformer, OF.
parfournir, lit. to furnish
thoroughly.

Persia, 22. 31 ; King of, 22. 36,
23.8.

Peruocation, sb. for Provoca
tion, 20. 1 8. From L. provo-
catus, called forth.

Peryshe, v. destroy, make to
perish, 56. 14. Transitive
use of Perish. From OF.
periss-, lengthened stem of
perir ; L. perire.

*Pltylarch, 51. i, 52. 22, 57. 6,
g, 27, 58. 8.

Pike a thanke, 54. 3, to curry
favour, hence pickthank.

Plain, a. obvious, evident, 91.
9. L. planus, flat.

Plat, sb. plate, 77. n. OF.
plat, flat ; late L. platia, plate
of metal.

Plato, 3. 28, 30. 36, 81. 15, 41.
15,42.36,96.17.

Platte fourme, sb. ground plan,
55. 31. F. plate-forme, plat
form, model.

Ptautus, 40. 3.

Plesauntnes, sb. pleasingness,
delight, 87. 5. From Pleasant,
a. ; OF. plesant, pleasing,
pres. part, of plesir ; L. placfre.

Plotte, sb. plot of ground, site,
50. 10, 64. 17. ME. plot.

Pluck, v. to snatch, take, 44. n,
to pull, 17. 30, 18. 32 ; pluck
ed back, 63. 23, recalled,
fetched back. OE. pluccian,
to pluck, tear.

Plutarch, 96. 06.

Policie, sb. practice, mode of
procedure, 51. 25. L. poKtta,

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

275

Qr. TroXiTtia, polity, govern
ment.

Polle, t\ to cut or crop the hair,
24. 20, 37. 28, fig. to shear,
clip bare, 13. 6. ME. pollen,
to cut the hair; LG. polle,
head, pate.

*Polylerites, the, 22. 32.

Portugalle, sb. a native of
Portugal, a Portuguese, 4. i.
The usual ME. name.

Possible, adv. possibly, 18. n,
F. possible, a. ; L. possibilis,
able to be done.

Posternne, s6. a small back
door, 55. 7. OF. posterne, po-
sterle, L. posterula, from po
sterns, behind.

Praye, sb. prey, booty, 82. i,
110. 28, 121. 15. AF. preis ;
L. praeda, prey.

Precyncte, sb. boundary, limit,
24. 33. L. praecinctus, past
part, of praecingere, to gird
about.

Preparaunce, sb. preparation,
making ready, 84. ii. From
Prepare, v. ; L. praeparare, to
make ready before.

Prescript, ppl. a. prescribed,
39. 10, 44. 33, 66. 15, 103. 24.
L. praescriplus, past part, of
praescribere, to write before
hand.

Presently, adv. in one's very
presence, being present, 45.
38, 76.14, 91.24, 129.9.
From Present, a. ; L. praesens
(-sentem}, being in front.

Pretensod, ppl. a. intended,
purposed, 104. 17. Late L.
praetensus for praetentus, al
leged, held before.

Preuy, a. privy, secret, 29. 35.
ME. privi, previ, F. privi ; L.
privdtus, private.

Primifest, 134. 5. See Note.

Pristynato, a. pristine, original,

92. 8. L. pristinuSf ancient,
+ suffix -ate.

Proctour, sb. procurator in the
law-courts, 106. a. Short for
procurator ; late L. ace. pro-
curdtorem, manager, deputy.

Profe, proffe, sb. trial, proof,
evidence, 26. 31, 83. 35.
Nexte yearos proffe, 75. 3,
what next year may prove
to be. Older spellings of
Proof, ME. prove, prei-c ; F.
preuve, sb. Double forms
from the ME. verb. ; cf. OF.
prover, to prove ; preute, he
proves ; L. proba're, pro'bat.

Profitable let, a. reasonable
hindrance, 73. 9.

Properlie, adv. singularly, pe
culiarly, 77. 24. From F.
propre, a. ; L. proprius, (-MW),
one's own, peculiar to one
self.

Psalmist, The, 29. 10.

Puisaunce, puysaunce, sb.
power, might, 14. 4, 61.
31, 111. ia. F. puissance,
power.

Pulleyne, sb. chickens, 51. 25.
OF. poulaine, young of an
animal; late L. puleanus from
pullus.

Puppettes, sb. dolls, 78. 17,
MF. poupette, dim. of poupee,
doll ; cf. L. pupa, girl, doll.

Purple die fells, skins of pur
ple dye, 75. 7.

Putt furthe, ppl. a. brought
forward, 58. 15.

Putt to, apprenticed to, given
into charge of, 60. 6.

Puyssaunte, a. powerful, migh
ty, 32. 7. F. puissant, pow
erful ; L. possens (-entem) for
potens.

Pyked, ppl. a. picked, chosen,
95.36. ME. pikken; ON.
pikka.

276

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

Pylled, v. plundered, 33.
23. F. piller ; L. pUare, to
pillage.

Q

Quicke, quycke, s6. living, 128.
34, 129. 10, the vital part,
13. 7. Towchyd one the
quicke, 28. 33, wounded in
the most vital part. OE.
cwic, a. living.

Quod, v. quoth, said, 8. 17, 9.
1 8. OE. cwati, pret. singular
of cweSan, to say ; ME. quath,
quoth, weakened to quod.

Quyte, a. quit, free, 21. 15.
OF. quite, released, free ;
late L. quietus.

R

Ranke, a. abundant, plentiful,

12. 5. OE. ranc, strong,

proud.
Rauin, rauyne, sb. rapine,

plunder, 45. 3, 68. 13, 133.

20, 141. 17. OF. ravine, L.

rapina, plunder.
Recule, v. retreat, recoil, 133.

26. F. recultr, to recoil ;

from L. ciilus, hinder part.
Refrayne, refreyn, v. to check,

restrain, 12. n, 99. 22, to

restrain oneself, refrain

from, 42. 37. L. refrenare, to

curb ; from frenum, a curb,

bridle.

Reiecte, ppl. a. rejected, ex
cluded, 127. 17. Past part.

of Reject, v., OF. rejecter ; L.

re, back, jactdre, to throw.
Relygyous men, sb. members

of the religious or monastic

orders, 62. 12.
Render, v. give up, surrender,

112. 8. F. rendre; L. redd ere,

to give back.
Renowme, sb. renown, fame,

105. 1 6. F. renom ; from L.
nomen, name.

Reparacions, sb. repairs, 64.
22. From L. reparatus, past
part, of repardre, to repair,
make ready again.

Repriued, ppl. a. reprieved, 26.
38. Properly, having one's
sentence re-proved or dis
allowed. ME. reproven, re-
preven ; OF. reprover, to dis
allow — 3rd sg. pves. repreuve.

Reprochefull, a. full of re
proach, disgraceful, 78. 32,
79. 30. F. reprocher ; late
L. *reprobicdre, from prope,
near ; hence to bring near
to.

Retche, sb. reach, 123. 13. From
OE. r<zcan, to reach ; ME.
rechen.

Reuenewes, renennues, sb. re
venues, incomes, 16. 6, 24. 5.
From F. revenu, past part, of
revenir, to come back ; L.
revenire.

Reuerende, sb., 45. 31. Prob
ably an error for Reverence ;
L. reverentia, from revererl, to
revere.

Reyalme, sb. realm, kingdom,
35. 32. AF. realms ; late
L. *regatimen, from rtgalis,
royal.

Ribauld, ribbald, sb., worth
less fellow, scoundrel, 28. 37,
29. 19. Low L. ribaldus,
ruffian ; from OHG. hnba,
prostitute, with mnsc. suffix
-wald (power), cf. Reginald.

Ride, sb. Variant of Reed, 97.
33. OE. hrSod.

Romans, 14. 34, 46. 29.

Rome, Empire of, 46. 34.

Rotte, sb. & disease of sheep,
17. 1 8. Cf. OE. rotian, to
rot.

Roundinge, sb. the rounding

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

277

of his head, the manner in
which his hair is rounded
off when cut, 25. 35. Cf.
p. 24, 1. 21.

Rubbers, sb. robbers, 20. 14.
OF. robeor ; derived from
OHG. rouba, booty, spoil.

Run at rouers, run at random,
rove about, 108. 36. Cf. Du.
roorer, robber, pirate.

Runne in, v. incur, 38. u. A
literal translation of L. t'n-
currere.

Russhe bucklers, sb. a worth
less boaster, a good-for-noth
ing fellow, 62. 17. Properly,
one whose shield is made of
rushes. OF. buder, shield.

Rydde, ppl. a. got rid of, dis-
"patched. 22. 8. OE. hreddan,
to free from.

Ryffe, a. rife, abundant, 12.
5. OE. rlf ; Icel. rifr, abun
dant, frequent.

Ryght, o. genuine, 88. 22. OE.
riht, true, correct.

S

Sacke, sb. sake, 15. 26. ME.

sake, sake, cause ; OE. sacu,

dispute, litigation.
Sad, sadde, a. sober, serious,

27. 14, 101. 20, 104. 25. OE.

seed, sated ; hence quiet,

serious.
Saintuarie, sb. sanctuary, 26.

35. OF. saintuarie, shrine ;

L. sanctuarium.
Sallust, 14.28.
Sauegarde, sb. safeguard, 25.

22, 36. 31, 133. 18. OF.

sauf-garde ; from L. salvus,

safe, and OLG. warden, to

watch, guard.
Sauffe, prep, save, except, 37.

9. OF. sauf, a., L. salvus,

safe. Used in ME. as a
prep, and conj. with meaning
'these things being safe, 'i.e.
'excepted.'

Sauitie, sb. safety, 37. 3. OF.
sauvete ; L. salvitas.

Scaselv, skaselie, adv. scarcely,
hardly, 49. 13, 63. 9, 101. 36,
108. 12. ME. scars-liche, OF.
escars, scarce ; late L. ex-
carpsus for L. excerptus, se
lected.

Schole philosophic, philosophy
of the schoolmen, 39. 26.

Sclaunderer, sb. slanderer, 28.
37. From Slander ; ME.
sclaundre ; OF. esclandre, po
pular form of L. scandalum.

Scoupe, sb. scope, 21. 30. Cf.
Ital. scppo, a mark to shoot
at ; Gr. OVCOTTOS, look-out man,
mark aimed at.

Scyence liberal, sb. any ac
cepted branch of knowledge,
61. ii.

Scyilas, 7. 4.

Sealynge, pres. part. 92. 37,
putting an end to, curing.
But possibly an error for
Healing.

Seconde Intentyons, 82. 19.
See Note.

Seely, seilie, sely, a. simple,
32. 37, 89. 20, 139. 28. OE.
sielig from seel, time ; =
' timely ' then ' happy, inno
cent ' ; ' simple, foolish.'

Seneca, 3. 37, 40. 8.

Sergeauntes at the lawe, sb.
Sergeants at law, 106. a.
OF. sergant, serjant ; late L.
serviens (-ientern), ari officer.

Seruiseable, adv. usefully, ISO.

13-

Set by, ppl. a. esteemed, 93.

1 6. Cf. next.
Sette greate store, make much

of, esteem highly, 104. 21.

278

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

Sette in theyre neckes, set on
them, 114. 26.

Set fyld, field arranged for
battle, 61. 24, 117. 26.

Setting furth, vbl. sb. execu
tion, carrying out, 55. 34.

Seuerall, a. separate, distinct,
24.30, 68.38, 71.7, 125.31,
138. 28 ; adv. separately,
apart, 68. i, 70. 23. OF.
several ; med. L. sspardlis,
separate, from slparare, to
separate.

Sewer, a. sure, 68. n, 142. i.
OF. seur, for segur; L. securus.

Sewerly, adv. surely, 14. 8, 87.
3°, 120. 3.

Sewter, 11. 10. Variant of
Sueter, q. v.

Shamefastenes, sb. shamefaced-
ness, 78. 15. From OE.
scamfcest, a. ; OE. scamu,
shame, modesty ; fast, firm.
Corrupted in Mod.Eng. to
shamefaced.

Shelues, sb. sandbanks, reefs,
49. i. OE. scylf, ledge, shelf.

Shere, sheyre, sb. shire, pro
vince, 25. 23, 26. i. OE.
scir.

Shiltreth, v. shelters, protects,
48. 22. From OE. scUdtruma,
shield-troop, guard ; ME.
scheltrun, shiltroun, a protec
tion ; hence Mod. Eng.
shelter.

Shrewedely, adv. roughly,
badly, 111. 13. From
Shrewd, a. ; ME. schrewed,
past part, ofschrewen, tocurse.

Sickerlye, adv. surely, cer
tainly, 42. 9. From ME.
siker, a. ; L. sScurus, sure.

Simylitude, sb. simile, illus
tration, 42. 36. L. similitado
(-inem\ likeness ; from simi-
lis, like.

Single, a. simple, alone, 22.

12. Late L. singulus, single,

separate.

*Siphogrant. See Syphogrant.
*Siphogranty ( = ward*), 69. 36,

^l.iS.
Sit, past part, sat, 47. 33. ME.

seten (OE. seteri), also siten

after the infin., OE. sillan.
Skant, adv. scarcely, hardly,

139. 29. ME. skant, a. and

adv. insufficient, -ly ; Icel.

skamt, neut. of skammr,

short.

Skaselie, adv. See Scasely.
Skyrnyshe, sb. skirmish, 114.

8. From ME. scarmish, skir-

mishe, v. ; OF. eskermir (esker-

missanf), to fence.
Slacly, adv. lazily, 23. 28. OE.

s-(ec, skac, a. slack, indolent.
Sleane, ppl. a. slain, 114. 13.

From the infin., OE. slean,

to slay, past part, geslagen.
Sleping sicknes, sb. lethargy,

92. 16.

Sloughfullenes, sb. slothful-
ness, 60.35. From OE. slaw,

a. slow, sluggish ; ME. stoic,

slough.
Sloughishnes, s6. sluggishness,

sloth, 94. 4. A formation

from ME. slough, OE. slaw,

as if with OE. suffix -we.

See prec.
Smacke, sb. flavour, taste, 116.

8. OE. smcec, taste.
So that, con;, provided that,

86. 30, 125. 37, 126. 23, 135.

25. OE. siva, so that + pron.

6cet.
Sodde, ppl. a. boiled, 52. 9.

OE. soden, past part, of seoSan,

to boil.
Sodeyne, a. Sudden, 51. 36,

120. 8. OF. sodain, sudain ;

late L. *subitanus, sudden.
Som, sb. sum, amount, 38. 36.

F. somme ; L. summa.

GLOSSAEIAL INDEX

279

Sophocles, 96. 29.

Sorte, sb. 'a lot,' a number,
53. 27. Cf. Puttenham, Arte
of Eng. Poesie, ' a great sort
of little children.' OF. sorte,
L. sors (sortem), properly lot,
destiny.

Spared, ppl. a. dispensed with,
26. 34. OE. sparian, to
spare, abstain from.

Speces, sb. spices, 72. 16. ME.
spice, spece ; OF. espice, spice ;
L. species (-tern).

Spedelier, adv. more speedily,
64. 27. Compar. of spedeli,
OE. spedttce ; from sped,
success, speed.

Spende, v. make use of,
consume, 64. 36. OE.
spendan ; from L. dis- or
ex- pendere.

Spill, v. to spoil, ruin, 15.
20. OE. spillan, to destroy,
waste.

Spite of there tethes, in des
pite of their utmost resist
ance, 119. 24. Cf. Shakesp.
Merry Wives, v. 5. 133.

Stage, sb. her owne stage,
39. 36, her proper sphere.
AF. estage, stage, dwelling-
house ; late L. * staticum,
dwelling-place.

Stand in, v. cost, 64. 9, 38.
L. constdre, to stand one in,
cost.

Staye, sb. pause, delay, 96. 5.
In a good staye, 64. 16,
stable, well-established.
From the vb. Stay, (i) to
support ; (a) to remain.
OF. estaye, sb. a prop.

Stomaked, ppl. a. tempered,
hearted, 87. 22. From Sto-
make, sb.

Stomakes, sb. dispositions,
hearts, 36. 38. OF. estomac,
stomach.

Stoole, v. stole, 23. 16. ME.
stol, stool, pret. of stelen, to
steal.

Stoycall, a. stoical, unyielding,
harsh, 20. 31. From Stoic,
sb., L. stoicus, Gk. Srcai/tos,
a Stoic.

Straunge, a. foreign, 76. i.
OF. estrange ; L. extrdneus,
belonging to the outside.

Strayte, streyte, a. and adv.
strict, severe, 11. 36, 20. 28;
strictly, 28. 27. OF. estreit ;
L. strictus.

Subtell, a. subtle, skilful,
40. 35. OF. sotil, soutil ; L.
subfilis, fine, subtle, b in
serted from L. in sixteenth
cent., but not sounded.

Sueter, sb. suitor, those having
a suit with any, 29. 38.
From F. suite, pursuit, suit
at law; late L. type *sequita,
for secuta, a following.

Sumwhether, adv. somewhere,
27. 38. OE. sum, some ;
huxeder, hwider, whither ;
ME. wheder, whider.

Surmount, v. increase, 48.
20. F. surmonter, to mount
above.

Suyte, sb. suit, 44. 37. See
Sueter.

Swychers, sb. the Swiss, 32. 6.
Cf. MHG. Switeer, Swiss;
Mod. G. Schweizer.

Symylitude, -lytude, sb. like
ness, 20. 36, 45. 36. Set
Simylitude.

*Syphogrant, 57. 5, 58. 8, 60.
14. 63. 12, 19, 69. i, 71. 8,
73. 8.

Syrians, 14. 34.

Tables, sb.pl. the game of
tables, the modern back-

280

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

gammon, 18. 28. F. teWe ;
L. tabula, a table, also the
game.

Take their houses, 43. 3; take
to, &c.

Taprobane (Ceylon), 4. 25.

Temsice, George, provost of Cassel,
2.i.

Terence, 42. 13.

Thadmynystratyon, sb. the
administration, 22. 22. The
elision of the e of the definite
article before a word be
ginning with a vowel was
common in ME. ; cf. then-
tente, 98. 19.

Than. adv. then, 10. 3, 19. 14,
46.'i6, 131.8. OE. Ocenne',
ME. than, then.

The owne, its own, 80. 32,
92. n, 126. 24.

Thefe stolen, ppl. a. stolen by
a thief, robbed, 23. 19.
Compound of Thcfe, sb., OE.
feof, and Stolen, past part,
of to steal ; OE. stelan, past
part, gestolen.

Their whear, adv. there where,
18. 5. OE. fo7r, there,
hw&r, where ; ME. ther where ;
ther confused in form with
pron. their, ther*= their, from
ON. fieggra, gen. pi.

Them selfes, pron. themselves,
44. 21. OE. Mom, dat. pron.
+ self, pron. ; ME. hem-,
themself. On the analogy
of miself, herself, we have
ME. tfteirselves with self treat
ed as a sb. and made pi.
Hence also, confusedly, them-
selfes.

Theodorus, 96. 24.

Theophrastus, 96. 18.

There awaye, adv. in these
parts, 115. 32. Cf. there
abouts.

Thether, adv. thither, there,

67.37, Q8.5. OE. tider;
ME. thider, theder; cf. hider,
heder for hither, d changed
to th before r as in father,
OE. feeder, &c.

This notwithstanding, not
withstanding this, never
theless, 61. 6. An absolute
clause = L. hoc non obstante.

Thorough, prep. 27. 29 ;
through, 27. 29. OE. J>urh;
ME. thuruh, thoruh, thruh.

Thronge, ppl. a. crowded, 69.
14. OE. gefirungen, past part,
of J>ringan, to throng. ME.
thrungen, throngen, thronged.

Throughlye, adv. thoroughly,
41. 24. OE. Jturh, prep,
through + adv. suffix -lice.
See Thorough.

Thucydides, 96. 30.

To, prep, for, 45. 13. adv. too,
12. 10, 36, 62. 2, 65. 9. OE.
to, prep, and adv. Mod. Eng.
distinguishes between the
accented adv. and the un
accented prep. ; cf. of and
off.

Togethers, adv. together, 72.
22. 124. 30. OE. to-gadre,
together ; ME. togedere + -es
from the adv. Gen. d be
comes th before r • see
Thether.

Torues, sb. pi. sods, turf, 5. i.
OE. turf; ME. turf, sod, turf ;
pi. turues, iorues.

Towardnes, sb. inclination,
72. 7, 81. 29. From Toward,
a., ME. toward, well-disposed;
OE. toiceard, approaching.

Traine, trayne, sb. device,
40. 35, 42. 15. ME. train ;
OF. trahin, stratagem.

*Traniboi~e, 57. 8,21, 68.4,
63. 30, 73. 9.

Translatynge. pres. part, trans
ferring, 4i>. 16. Translate,

GLOSSARIAL INDEX

281

v., late L. transldtdre from
translates, transferred.

* Trapemernes, 134. 4.
Trauaile, trauayle, sb. labour,

toil, 45. 25, 46. 32. OF.
travail, labour.

* Tricius Apinatus, 96. 31.
Trippe, sb. a stumble, fault.

To be taken in a trip = to be

caught tripping, 36. 5. ME.

trippen, to step lightly.
Trough ewyse, adv. in the

manner of a trough, 6. 8, i.e.

made with flat bottoms,

resembling troughs. OE.

tr6g, troh, trough ; wise,

manner.
Tryffelynge, trifling, playing,

40. 5, pres. part, of ME.

triflen, trujlen ; from OF.

trufle, sb. jest, mockery.
Tunstall, Cuthbert, 1. 13.
Turfes, sb. pi. turf, sods, 130. i.

See Torues.
Twise, twyse, adv. twice, 2. 6,

87. 14. ME. twies. Mod. Eng.

substitutes c« for final

Toicelesa s ; cf. ones, once.

U,V

Vacation, sb. holiday, exemp
tion, 63. 17. L. vacdtio
(-onem) , leisure, noun of ac
tion from vacare, to be at
leisure.

Valiaunt, a. strong, able,
62. 18. OF. vailant, pres.
part, of valoir, to profit ;
from L. valere, to be strong.

Venetians, 31. 30.

Vespucci, Amerigo, 4.4,11,23,
5.4.

Vesputius. See Vesputci.

Ultraequinoctialles, sb. those
living beyond the equator,
46. 26. From Ij. ultra, beyond ;
atquinoctium, time of equal
day and night.

Ulysses, 3. 28.

Vnder, prep, below, inferior to,
76.31. OE. under, beneath.

Unneadfull, a. unnecessary,
65. 25. OE. un- negative
prefix ; ME. ntdful, needful,
from OE. nied, necessity.

Vnnumerable, a. unnumbered,
countless, 15. 26. L. numerd-
bilis, that can be numbered,
with Eng. negative prefix
un- for L. in-.

Vnsensybylyte, sb. Forinsensi-
bility, 91. 18. Ii.insensibilitas,
with E. un- for L. in-.

Vnsercheable, a. that cannot
be sought out, 138. 5. From
ME. serchen, to search ; OF.
cercher ; L. circdre, to go
round, explore.

Vnthyfty, a. An error for
Unthrifty, 64. 4. From
ME. frift-, Icel. }rift from
/n/a, to thrive.

Vntyed, ppl. a. unbound, un
fettered, 23. 26. Negative
un- + past part, of ME. tiSn ;
OE. tiegan, to tie, bind.

Vnweldye, a. unwieldy,
clumsy, 27. 34, 120. 16. ME.
unweldi, from ME. welden, to
wield, rule, manage ; cf.
MLG-. unweldich, unwieldy.

Void, a. empty, leisure, un
occupied, 60. 31. OF. vuide,
voide, empty.

Vpholden, ppl. a. maintained,
preserved, 64. 6. Prefix up-
+ holden, pp. of ME. holden ;
OE. healdan, to keep, hold.

Vplandishe, -yshe, a. belonging
to the rural districts, rustic,
15. 10 ; belonging to the land,
up-lying, 49. 32. OE. up-
lendisc, from the uplands,
rural.

Vprender, c. render up,
surrender, 18. 34. OE. up,

282

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

up + ME. rendren ; F. rendre,

L. reddere, to give back.
Vre, sb. use, practise, 98. 20 ;

v. 15. 3. From OF. ure, eure,

sb. work, operation. Cf.

inure, manure.
Vse themselfes, v. behave,

bear themselves, 66. 3. F.

user ; L. usare.
Utopia, island of, 33. 9, 38. 27,

46. 28.

Utopians, 7. 17, 43. 23, et passim.
Utopus, King, 49. 24, 55. 30,

125. 26, 126. 8.
Vtter, v. reveal, disclose, 22. 9,

25. i. From ME. utter, adv. ;

OE. utor, uttor, compar. of ut,

out.
Vyle, a. base, menial, 70. 10,

79. 31. L. vllis, base, mean.

W

Waiward, a. wayward, per
verse, 102. 21. 'M.E.aweiward,
wayward ; OE. on weg, away,
+ suffix • ward.

Warrauntise, sb. warrant,
guarantee, 75. 22. OF.
warentise, garantise, from
warantir, garantir, to warrant ;
cf. warrandice = warranty, in
Scotch Law.

Wax, v. grow, become, 28. 8,
48. 15. OE. weaxan.

Way, v. weigh, 140.32. OE.
wegan, to bear, weigh ; ME.
waien, weien. Mod. spelling
from contamination with
the sb., OE. gt-uriht.

Weale publyque, sb. state,
commonwealth, 5. 20, 7. 20,
9. 5, 23, 11. 16, 12. 34. OE.
wela, weal, wealth ; L.
publicus, belonging to the
people. A rendering of L.
respublica.

Weldynge, «&. control, move

ment, 59. 24. Pres. part, of
ME. welden ; OE. geweldan,
to control, wield.

Well a worthe, int. of sorrow,
alas ! 102. 13. Apparently
a mixture of two phrases ;
wellaway, OE. wd Id wd, woe,
lo, woe, and woe worth the day ;
worth ** OE. weordan, to be
come.

Well-sene, ppl. a. having seen
much, 98. 7. Active use of
past part, as in well-read,
-travelled.

W«lthes,s6. riches, possessions,
44. 4. PL of ME. welSe, an
extension of wele, OE. wela,
prosperity.

Whan, conj. when. 26. 20.
OE. hiccenne ; ME. whan, when.

Whether, pron. which of two,
whichever, 34. 2, 60. 10,
101. 5. OE. hwcefier, pron.
and conj.

Whether, adv. whither, 18. 12,
74. 7, 24, 129. 2. OE. hwceder,
hwider, whither ; ME. whider,
with change of d to th before r.

Whiles, whyles, adv. and conj.
while, the while that, 22. 12,
86. 6, 45. 12; whyles that,
81. 23, 41. 5. OE. hwlles,
adv. Gen. from hwll, sb. time,
while. Also as conj. alone
or + that.

Whomewyth, with whom,
115. 25. The prep, is at
tached enclitically like the
L. cum. Cf. G. womit.

Wiped beside their gooddes,
111. 25 ; cheated of their
goods. Cf. Cooper, Thesaurus,
1 1 have wipte the fooles
from their money.'

Witte, sb. understanding,
intelligence, 46. 22. OE.
witt, understanding ; cf.
witan, to know.

GLOSSAKIAL INDEX

283

Wolle, wulle, sb. wool, 59. 30,

64. 36, 75. 6, 80. 28. OE.

imdl ; ME. wolle, wulle.
Wonders, adv. wondrously,

98. 10, 132. 8. Gen. of OE.

wundor, sb. wonder, used

adverbially.
Wonte, o. wonted, customary,

92. 4. From ME. waned ;

OE. wunod, past part, of

wunian, to be accustomed to.

Used as an adj. with change

of d to t after n.
Wordely, a. worldly, 143. 36.

From Wwdle, sb. A'ariant of

World.
Wordle, sb. world, 22.30,

82. i, 6, 83. i, 94. ag, et

passim. A. metathesis of

World, common in ME. ; OE.

weorold, worold, world.
Wriede, past part, distorted,

perverted, 42. 4. Past part.

of ME. wrien, to twist ; OE.

wrigian.
Wrythen, ppl. a. perverted,

twisted, 36. 17. OE. wriSen,

past part. ofivrlSan, to twist.
Wul, wulle, sb. wool. See

Wolle.

Wullen, a. of wool, 65. 3.

A new formation from ME.

wull, sb. Cf. OE. wyllen from

wull + suffix -in.
Wurse, a. worae, 22. 18. OE.

wyrsa, worse ; ME. wurse,

worse.
Wyckers, sb. twigs, wickers.

ME. wiker, a pliant twig.
Wyselyere, adv. more wisely,

47. 10. Compar. of ME.

viisli ; OE. w'tsllc, a. and adv.

Ye, int. yea, 16. 9. ME. ye ;

OE. gea, yea.
Ymages, sb. statues, 105. 13.

L. imago (-inem}, likeness.
Yocke, sb. yoke, 110. 15. OE.

geoc ; ME. yok.
Yong ones, young ones, 10. 3.

ME. yong, young ; OE. geong

+ ME. ones, pi. of on ; OE.

an, one.

* ZapoleteSj the, 115. 5.

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD
BY JOHN JOHNSON, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY